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THE 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 


WINFIELD  SCOTT  HANCOCK, 


MAJOR-GENERAL,    U.  S.  A. 


By  FREDERICK  E.  GOODRICH. 


WITH   AN   INTRODUCTION   BY 

HON.  FREDERICK   O.  PRINCE, 

Mayor  of  the  City  of  Boston,  and  Secretary  of  the 
National  Democratic  Committee. 


BOSTON : 
PUBLISHED     BY     LEE     &     SHEPARD 

Philadelphia,  QUAKER  CITY  PUBLISHING  HOUSE. 

New  York,  CHARLES  DREW. 

Indianapolis,  Ind.,  FRED.  L.  HORTON  &  Co. 

Chicago,  J.  FAIRBANKS  &  Co. 

1880. 


Copyright, 
B.   B.   RUSSELL    &    CO., 


WRIGHT  <fc  POTTER  PRINTING  COMPANY,  18  POST  OFFICE  SQUARE  BOSTON. 


TO  THE  PEOPLE 
OF  A  REUNITED  COUNTRT 

THIS  STORY  OF 

A   PATRIOTIC  LIFE 
Is  DEDICATED. 


302461 


PREFACE. 


To  tell  the  story  of  the  life  of  a  successful  general  is  to 
recite  a  romance.  Hard  and  cruel  as  the  work  of  war  may 
be  in  reality,  it  is  only  while  it  is  doing  that  its  hardships  and 
its  roughnesses  are  seen.  When  it  is  done,  the  glory  of  the 
result  smooths  the  crudenesses,  and  gilds  the  dark  places,  and 
rounds  the  whole  into  a  picturesque  completeness.  The  love 
of  conflict  is  as  much  a  part  of  human  nature  as  the  love  of 
peace ;  and  delight  in  tales  of  war  lies  deep  down  in  man's 
heart.  Stories  of  heroes  and  of  saints,  of  warfare  temporal 
and  spiritual,  form  the  earliest  literature  of  mankind. 

But  when  to  this  is  added  the  element  of  patriotism,  and 
the  successful  warrior  is  one  who  fights  not  alone  for  glory  or 
for  the  love  of  fighting,  but  for  the  love  of  country,  a  new 
zest  is  given  the  chronicle  of  his  deeds.  And  when,  still 
further,  this  love  of  country  is  the  love  of  a  free,  popular 
government,  —  when  the  struggle  is  for  the  sake  of  liberty 
and  for  maintaining  the  will  of  the  people,  —  the  soldier  in 
such  a  cause  becomes  a  hero,  whether  successful  or  not. 

The  subject  of  this  sketch  is  such  a  hero,  and  a  most  suc 
cessful  one.  But,  great  as  is  his  glory  in  war,  the  impartial 
historian  will  accord  him  at  least  equal  honor  for  the  display 
of  rare  administrative  talent  in  civil  affairs, — most  rare, 
indeed,  in  connection  with  such  superlative  military  genius 
as  he  has  shown. 


8  PREFACE. 

In  writing  the  life  of  this  patriot,  soldier,  and  statesman, 
the  only  embarrassment  is  that  of  a  superabundance  of  ma 
terial.  His  life  has  been  one  long  romance  of  duty  well  per 
formed,  filled  with  adventure,  with  great  deeds,  and  with 
noble  actions.  To  select  from  the  history  of  the  American 
Republic  during  the  past  forty  years  such  facts  as  may  show 
the  part  which  General  Hancock  has  taken  in  the  work  of 
making  and  saving  our  country  is  the  purpose  of  the  writer 
of  this  volume.  Much  has  to  be  left  untold  in  the  limits  of  a 
work  of  this  sort.  It  is  sought  simply  to  show  the  man  as 
he  appears  in  the  history  of  his  country. 

In  collecting  facts  for  this  work,  especial  care  has  been 
taken  to  secure  absolute  authenticity ;  and  the  author  ac 
knowledges  his  indebtedness  to  the  courtesy  of  Hon.  B.  E. 
Chain  and  Hon.  B.  M.  Boyer,  of  Norristown,  Penn.,  inti 
mate  companions  of  the  bo}r  Winfield  and  trusted  friends  of 
the  General ;  to  Gen.  William  B.  Franklin,  Gen.  St.  Clair 
A.  Mulholland,  Gen.  George  H.  Gordon,  Hon.  George  L. 
Thorndike,  and  others  of  his  companions  in  arms  ;  to  Town- 
send  Ward,  Esq.,  Secretary  of  the  Historical  Society  of 
Pennsylvania,  and  to  many  others.  The  story  of  General 
Hancock's  public  services  is  chiefly  taken  from  the  official 
reports  and  documents  of  Congress  and  the  War  Depart 
ment;  and,  among  unofficial  sources,  from  Moore's  "  Record 
of  the  Rebellion,"  Greeley's  " American  Conflict,"  and  Swin- 
ton's  "Army  of  the  Potomac"  and  "  Twelve  Great  Battles." 

F.  E.  G. 

INDEPENDENCE  SQUARE, 
BOSTON,  July  15,  1880 


CONTENTS. 

Page 

PREFACE,  7 

INTRODUCTION, 13 

PART  I.  —  BOY  AND  MAN. 

CHAPTER  I.  —  The  Hancock  Family.  —  Its  Services  in  the  War  of  the 
Revolution.  —  Marriage  of  Benjamin  F.  Hancock  and  Settlement  in 
Norristown,  Penii.  —  Early  Struggles  of  the  Young  Couple. — 
School-Teaching  and  Law.  —  Education  of  the  Twins,  Wiufield 
and  Hilary,  .  ...  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  xJl 

CHAPTER  II.  —  Birth  and  Boyhood.  —  His  Name,  and  its  Influence 
upon  his  Career.  —  The  School-boys'  Train-band  —  Captain  Win- 
field. —  The  Champion  of  the  Weak.  —  Anecdotes  of  his  School 
days, 28 

CHAPTER  III.  —  Ono  of  Winfield  Hancock's  Chums.  —  His  Home  Life. 
— A  Student  in  Norristown  Academy.  — The  Baptist  Sunday-School. 
—  A  Cadet  at  West  Point.  —  How  he  was  appointed.  —  His  Class 
mates,  34 

PART  II. — THE  SOLDIER. 

CHAPTER  I.  —  Lieutenant  Hancock  enters  the  Sixth  Infantry. — 
Protecting  the  Advance  Guard  of  White  Settlers.  —  The  Outbreak 
of  the  Mexican  War. — Hancock's  Request  to  be  ordered  to  the 
Front.  —  He  is  sent  to  Mexico.  —  He  begins  to  make  a  Record,  45 

CHAPTER  II.  —  Battle  of  Churubusco.  —  The  Advance  upon  the  City 
of  Mexico. — General  Worth's  Brigade  ordered  to  carry  the  Forti 
fication. —  Lieutenant  Hancock's  Company  Leads  the  Charge. — 
The  Repulse.  —  Lieutenant  Hancock  wins  his  first  Brevet  for  Gal 
lantry  in  Action,  .  .  .  .  -  .  .  .  .  .  .53 

CHAPTER  III.  —  Molino  del  Rey.  —  Situation  of  Scott's  Army  before 
the  City  of  Mexico — Lieutenant  Hancock  again  foremost  iu  the 
Post  of  Danger.  —  He  leads  his  Company  against  the  Battery  at 
Molino  del  Rey.  —  Hancock  saved  amid  the  Carnage,  .  .  5'J 

CHAPTER  IV.  —  Chapultepec.  —  Hancock  describes  his  Feelings  while 
confined  to  the  House  by  Fever.  —  The  Entry  into  the  City  of 
Mexico. — Lieutenant  Hancock's  Letters  Home.  —  End  of  the 
War, 65 

CHAPTER  V.  —  Lieutenant  Hancock  Returns  to  the  Department  of 
the  West.  —  Ho  becomes  Regimental  Quartermaster,  and  then 
Adjutant.  —  His  Marriage  at  St  Louis.  —  The  Seminole  War. — 
Brighaui  Young's  Declaration  of  Independence.  —  Hancock  Or 
dered  to  California, 70 

(9) 


10  CONTENTS. 

PART  III.  — THE  PATRIOT. 

CHAPTER  L  — The  Fire  upon  Sumter.— How  the  News  was  received 
iii  California.—  Captain  Hancock's  Efforts  to  keep  the  State  in 
the  Union.  —  He  asks  to  be  ordered  into  Active  Service, .  .  79 

CHAPTER  II.  — The  Peninsular  Campaign.  —  Siege  and  Capture  of 
Yorktowu.  —  The  Battle  of  Williamson rg.  —  Hooker  Repulsed  at 
Fort  Magruder.  —  Hancock  Turns  the  Enemy's  Flank,  .  .  85 

CHAPTER  III.  —  Hancock  again  Bre vetted  for  Gallantry.  —  His  Work 
in  the  Preliminaries  of  the  Peninsular  Campaign.  —Military  Dis 
cipline. —Raids  upon  the  Virginia  Farms.— Mr.  Vollin,  .  94 

CHAPTER  IV. — The  Advance  towards  Richmond.  —  Battle  of  the 
Chickahomiuy.  —  Goldiug's  Farm.  —  Hancock  repulses  Toombs' 
Assault.  —  He  holds  the  Enemy  at  Bay  at  White  Oak  Swamp,  100 

CHAPTER  V.  —  Pope's  Campaign  in  Northern  Virginia. — Hancock 
joins  in  the  Movement  to  Centre ville.  —  McClellan's  Maryland 
Campaign  against  Lee.  —  Forcing  Crampton's  Pass.  —  Autietam.- 
Haucock  takes  Command  of  a  Division, 106 

CHAPTER  VI.  —  Fredericksburg.  —  Opening  the  Campaign  of  the  Rap- 
pahauuock.  —  Hancock  receives  his  Commission  as  Major-Geueral  of 
Volunteers.  —  He  Commands  a  Division  on  the  March  to  Fredericks- 
burg.  —  Hancock  Wounded, 112 

CHAPTER  VII.  —  Chancellorsville.  —  "  Fighting  Joe  "  Hooker  in  com 
mand  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  —  Hancock  again  leads  his 
Division  across  the  Rappahannock.  —  Occupation  of  Chancellors 
ville.  —  Hancock  takes  Command  of  the  Second  Corps,  .  .  118 

CHAPTER  VIII.  —  The  March  to  Gettysburg.  —  Lee  Resolves  upon  an 
Invasion  of  the  North. — Hooker's  Resignation.  —  The  Camp  on  the 
Rappahanuock  broken  up.  —  Hancock's  Corps  the  Rear  Guard,  123 

CHAPTER  IX.  —  Gettysburg.  —  The  First  Day.  —  Meade  arrives  at 
Taneytowu.  —  The  Advance  Guard  strikes  the  Enemy.  —  "For 
God's  Sake  send  up  Hancock."  —  Meade  puts  Hancock  in  command 
at  the  Front.  —  He  Selects  the  Battle-ground,  .  .  .  .130 

CHAPTER  X.  —  Gettysburg.  —  The  Second  Day. — Hancock  in  com 
mand  at  the  Left  Centre.  —  Sickles's  Corps  cut  up.  —  Hancock 
to  the  Rescue.  —  The  Absolution  of  the  Irish  Brigade.  —  Fight 
for  the  Ridge  in  front  of  the  Wheat-field,  ....  139 

CHAPTER  XL  —  Gettysburg.— The  Third  Day.  —  The  Storm  of  Fire. 

—  Hancock's  Wonderful  Deed  of  Valor.  —  The  Final  Desperate  As 
sault  of  the  Confederates.  —  Hancock  Beats  them  Back. — Struck 
Down  in  the  Moment  of  Victory, 146 

CHAPTER  XII.  —  After  Gettysburg.  —  General  Meade'a  Report. — 
Hancock's  Fight  "  Terminated  the  Battle."  —  His  Opinion  of  the 
Battle  and  its  Results.  —  Hancock's  Wound. — The  Surgeon's 
Story.—  His  Jouruey  Home.  —  Invalid  Soldiers  carry  him  on  their 
Shoulders  to  his  Father's  House.  —  He  Returns  to  Duty,  .  154 

CHAPTER  XIII.  —  The  Wilderness.  —  Grant  takes  Command  of  all  the 
Armies.  —  Hancock  Leads  tho  Advance.  —  The  Story  of  One  of  the 
gallant  Second  Corps.  —  Hancock  leads  the  Charge,  .  .  104 


CONTENTS.  11 


CHAPTER  XIV.  —  Spottsylvania.—  Hancock  fights  the  Battle  of  the 
Po.  —  General  Sedgwick's  Death. —  The  Bloodiest  Battle  of  the 
War.  —  Hancock  Takes  and  Holds  the  Famous  "Salient  Angle."  — 
Hancock's  Retort,  -,  171 

CHAPTER  XV. —  Cold  Harbor. —The  March  from  Spottsylvania 
toward  Richmond.  —  A  Race  between  Two  Armies.  —  Hancock 
liuds  Lee  at  the  North  Anna.  —  He  Carries  the  Bridge,  .  .  17S 

CHAPTER  XVI.  —  Petersburg.  —  Hancock  Celebrates  Bunker-hill  Day. 

—  Ho  'Leads  Successful  Movements.  —  His  Old  Wound  Reopens. — 
The  Explosion  of  the  Petersburg  Mine,      .         .  .         .     184 

CHAPTER  XVII.  — About  Petersburg.  —  Hancock  Commands  at  Deep 
Bottom.  —  Promotion.  —  His  Horse  shot  under  him  at  Reams'  Sta 
tion. —  Battle  of  the  Boydton  Plank  Road. —  Recruiting  a  Veteran 
Corps.  —  Brevet  Major-General  for  Gallantry  at  Spottsylvauia.  — 
In  command  of  the  Middle  Military  Division  when  Lee  Sur 
renders,..  -.  ..  . 190 

CHAPTER  XVIII.  —  Hancock  as  a  Commander.  —  The  Love  and  Ad 
miration  of  hi.s  Soldiers  for  their  General. — General  Walker  de 
scribes  his  Character  and  Habits.  —  Custer  Sketches  him  at 
Williainsburg. — The  Secret  of  Hancock's  Genius,  .  .  195 

PART  IV.  —  THE  STATESMAN. 

CHAPTER  I.  — Hancock's  Character.  —  How  it  Developed  under  the 
Influence  of  his  Career. —  A  Man  of  the  People.  —  His  Strong  Pur 
pose  in  Life.  — The  Discipline  of  Army  Service.  — His  Administra 
tive  Ability. —  A  Well-rounded  Character,  ....  206 

CHAPTER  II.  —  Assassination  of  President  Lincoln.  —  Arrest  and  Trial 
of  the  Conspirators.  —  Execution  of  Mrs.  Surratt. — Charges  of 
Cruelty  against  General  Hancock.  —  Mrs.  Surratt's  Counsel  makes 
a  Statement.  —  Also  her  Spiritual  Adviser.  —  General  Hancock's 
Tenderness  toward  the  Unfortunate  Woman  and  her  Daughter. 

—  He  posts  Couriers  to  Carry  a  Pardon,    ......    214 

CHAPTER  III.  —  Hancock  again  at  the  West. —  He  is  Called  back  to 

take  Command  of  the  Fifth  Military  District.  —  Sketch  of  the  Prog 
ress  of  Reconstruction. — The  Quarrel  between  the  Executive  and 
Congress. — The  South  Divided  up  into  Satrapies.  —  Sheridan  Re 
moved,  and  Hancock  Called  to  take  his  Place,  .  .  .  .  231 

CHAPTER  IV.  —  Hancock  takes  Command  of  the  Fifth  Military  Dis 
trict. —  His  Reception  at  Washington.  —  The  vast  Powers  placed 
in  hi.s  Hands.  —  His  Opening  Proclamation.  —  The  Famous  "  Order 
No.  40."— Judge  Black's  Letter, 24C 

CHAPTER  V.  —  Reception  of  "  General  Order  No.  40."  —  Civil  Gov 
ernment  Resumes  its  Sway.  —  The  Laws  to  be  Sustained  by  the 
Military  Arm.  —  The  Qualifications  of  Jurors.  —  Disposition  of 
Property  by  the  Courts. —  Registration  of  Voters,  .  .  .  249 

CHAPTER  VI.  —  General  Hancock  and  t  he  Carpet-Baggers.  —  He  reads 
Governor  Pease  a  Lecture  on  Constitutional  Government.  —  His 
Refusal  to  Supplant  the  Courts  by  Military  Commissions.  —  Ripa 
rian  Rights  not  to  be  Adjudicated  upon  by  Courts-Martial,  .  264 


12  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  VII. —Troops  at  the  Polls.  —  Hancock's  Famous  Order. — 
Hancock  Declines  to  use  his  Troops  for  the  Collection  of  Taxes.  — 
He  Instructs  Governor  Pease  iu  the  Art  of  Law  and  of  Civil  Gov 
ernment.  —  Hancock's  Letter  to  General  Howard,  .  .  .  274 

CHAPTER  VIII.  —  The  Carpet-Baggers  protest  against  Civil  Govern 
ment.  —  Governor  Pease's  Open  Letter.  —  General  Hancock's  Reply. 
—  Congress  attempts  to  get  rid  of  Hancock. —  Grant  revokes  Han 
cock's  Orders.—  Hancock's  Resignation, 283 

CHAPTER  IX. — Hancock's  Consistent  and  Patriotic  Democracy. —  His 
California  Speech  in  1861. —  His  Acts  in  1868. —  The  Democratic 
Convention  of  1868. —  Hancock  the  Loading  Candidate. —  The 
Convention  of  1876. —  Ho  Again  Receives  a  Large  Vote, .  .  302 

CHAPTER  X.— The  Cincinnati  Convention  of  1880.— Daniel  Dough 
erty  of  Philadelphia  nominates  General  Hancock. —  Speech  of 
Governor  Hub  bard  of  Texas,  Seconding  the  Nomination. —  Han 
cock  nominated  on  the  Second  Ballot. —  Speeches,  .  .  .  315 

SKETCH  OF  THE  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF  WM.  II.  ENGLISH. 

CHAPTER  I.— Parentage  of  William  H.  English. —  Sound  Democratic 
Stock. —  Admitted  to  Practice  in  the  United  States  Supreme  Court 
at  the  Age  of  Twenty-three. —  He  enters  Politics  in  the  Polk  Cam 
paign. —  Elected  to  the  Legislature. —  Chosen  Speaker  of  the 
House, 329 

CHAPTER  II.— Election  to  Congress. —  The  Famous  Kansas-Nebraska 
Bill  and  Mr.  English's  action  Thereon. —  The  "Popular  Sover 
eignty"  Idea.— Congress.— Labor  against  Know-Nothin<nsin.— 
The  "English  Bill,"  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  338 

CHAPTER  III. —  Letter  from  President  Buchanan. —  The  Shadow  of 
the  Civil  War.— Mr.  English's  Position.— Retirement  from  Public 
Life.— Founder  of  the  First  National  Bank  of  Indianapolis. — 
Views  on  the  Money  Question, 359 

CHAPTER  IV.— The  Democratic  National  Convention  of  1880. The 

Nomination  of  Hancock  for  President  is  followed  by  that  of  Eng 
lish  for  Vice-President. —  Speech  of  Acceptance,  .  .  .  353 

APPENDIX. 

General  Hancock's  Letter  of  Acceptance, 3Cg 

Mr.  English's  Letter  of  Acceptance,  '.  371 

LIST   OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 

Steel  Portrait  of  Major-General  Hancock,        .  .  Frontispiece 

Steel  Portrait  of  Hon.  William  H.  English,      .  .  Facin«-  pa-e  3^7 

Hancock's  Early  Home  at  Norristown,  Pa.,     .  .  "          "       32 

Foraging  Party, «           "97 

Antietam, «           «      j«| 

Crossing  the  Rapidan,        .  «          «     lfiri 

Cavalry  Charge, \  «          «      {79 

Oeu.  Hancock's  Residence  at  Governor's  Island,  .  "          "      315 


I  ]$T  T  B  O  D  TJ  0  T  I O  N. 

No  history  of  the  great  civil  war  can  be  written 
without  reciting  the  brilliant  military  record  of  Major- 
Gcneral  Winfield  Scott  Hancock.  Educated  in  the 
military  art  at  West  Point,  trained  in  the  application 
of  military  principles  to  practice  in  the  Mexican  war, 
where  he  was  brcvetted  for  gallant  and  meritorious 
conduct,  he  had  attained  the  age  and  the  experience 
which  make  an  accomplished  soldier,  at  the  commence 
ment  of  what  proved  to  be  the  greatest  and  most  ter 
rible  war  of  ancient  or  modern  times. 

His  gallantry  and  skill  were  shown  on  many  of  the 
hardest  fought  battle-fields,  —  at  Williamsburg,  Fra- 
zer's  Farm,  South  Mountain,  Antietam,  Fredericks- 
burg,  Chancellorsville,  Gettysburg,  the  Wilderness, 
Spottsylvania  Court  House,  North  Anna,  the  second 
battle  of  Cold  Harbor,  and  the  operations  around 
Petersburg.  It  may  be  said  that  he  took  a  prominent 
part  in  every  important  battle  fought  in  the  East,  and 
thus  largely  contributed  to  the  success  of  our  arms 
and  the  restoration  of  the  Union  of  the  States. 

The  fame  of  this  distinguished  commander  is  secure. 
It  is  recognized  not  only  by  his  grateful  countrymen, 


14  INTRODUCTION. 

but  in  all  lands  where  military  talent  and  genius  are 
appreciated,  and  courage,  fortitude,  and  the  martial 
virtues  recognized  and  honored.  There  is,  and  can  be, 
no  question  of  his  rank  as  a  great  soldier.  None  chal 
lenge  it.  His  title  is  clear,  certain,  and  indisputable. 
Time,  which  levels  so  much  and  qualifies  so  often  and 
so  largely  the  claims  of  the  great  men  of  history,  will 
never  disturb  his  right  to  the  niche  in  the  temple  of 
fame  accorded  to  him  by  his  contemporaries.  His 
military  services  have  been  so  recently  rendered,  that 
their  mention  is  not  necessary  for  the  information  of 
his  countrymen,  for  they  know  them  by  heart.  But 
there  is  a  part  of  his  life  and  history  not  shown  in  his 
public  record,  nor  in  his  achievements  on  the  battle 
field,  which  the  people  must  now  desire  to  know ;  as 
the  great  Democratic  party  —  the  party  which  the  elo 
quent  Choate  declared,  "bore  the  -national  flag  and 
kept  step  to  the  music  of  the  Union"  -has,  through 
its  representatives,  unanimously  nominated  him  as  its 
candidate  for  the  Presidency.  They  know  him  as  the 
brave,  brilliant,  and  successful  soldier ;  but  they  have 
had  no  opportunities  to  learn  the  other  sides  of  his 
character,  nor  those  many  qualities  of  head  and  heart 
which  largely  led  to  his  nomination,  and  which  emi 
nently  fit  him  for  the  discharge  of  the  duties  of  the 
great  office  to  which  he  will  undoubtedly  be  elected  in 
November  next.  To  supply  the  popular  demand  for 


INTRODUCTION.  15 

such  information,  it  has  been  proposed  to  give,  in  the 
pages  which  follow,  a  brief  sketch  of  the  private  as  well 
as  public  life  of  this  distinguished  citizen. 

It  will  bo  generally  conceded  that  there  is  a  growing 
objection  in  the  public  mind  to  military  candidates  for 
the  Presidency.  This  feeling  doubtless  comes  from  fear 
of  the  repetition  of  the  cases,  with  which  history 
bristles,  of  usurpation  by  successful  soldiers  of  the 
executive  power  to  the  overthrow  of  constitutional  gov 
ernment.  Nor  is  it  surprising  that  these  usurpations 
occur.  In  war,  the  laws  are  silent ;  and  the  soldier, 
substituting  his  will  as  authority,  recognizes  no  instru 
ment  for  the  attainment  of  his  objects  but  force. 
When  war  ceases,  he  naturally  submits  with  reluctance 
to  a  return  to  the  methods  of  the  civil  power  for  ad 
ministering  government,  and  if  his  army  is  devoted  to 
him,  the  temptation  to  seize  upon  power  is  often  too 
great  for  resistance.  Whether  in  this  age  of  popular 
intelligence,  and  with  a  people  possessed  of  ample 
means  for  combination  and  resistance  to  a  coup  d'etat, 
all  such  apprehension  is  to  be  deemed  groundless,  it 
will  not  be  necessary  now  to  consider.  In  the  case  of 
General  Hancock,  the  objection  that  he  is  a  soldier 
must  dissipate,  for  his  honest  and  patriotic  conduct 
after  the  surrender  of  Lee  and  the  termination  of  the 
war,  in  recognizing  the  rights  of  our  citizens  under  the 
Constitution,  showed  most  conclusively  that  he  had  no 


16  INTRODUCTION. 

disposition,  if  he  had  the  power,  to  act  the  rule  of  the 
conqueror:  that  Washington,  the  Father  of  his 
Country,  and  not  Napoleon,  was  his  inspiration  and 
guide.  There  is  nothing  nobler  or  more  sublime  in 
history  than  the  conduct  of  this  hero  of  a  hundred  bat 
tles,  on  the  occasion  referred  to.  His  letter  to  Gov 
ernor  Pease,  of  Texas,  in  1868,  when  commanding  the 
Fifth  Military  District,  wherein  he  completely  subor 
dinates  the  military  to  the  civil  power  in  time  of  peace, 
will  alone  render  his  name  illustrious  and  forever  dear 
to  all  who  love  civil  liberty.  When  the  judgment  of 
mankind  shall  be  elevated  and  refined  by  a  higher  civil 
ization,  so  that  it  shall  the  more  truly  adjust  the  claims 
of  its  benefactors  to  the  rewards  of  heroic  conduct,  this 
patriotic  surrender  of  the  great  soldier  to  the  suprem 
acy  of  the  civil  law  will  add  more  to  his  fame  than  all 
his  great  military  achievements. 

Let  it  be  remembered  that  the  action  of  General 
Hancock  was  in  opposition  to  his  official  superiors  at 
Washington,  who  for  political  and  partisan  purposes 
wished  to  keep  the  South  under  military  control,  with 
no  rights  that  a  Republican  was  bound  to  respect.  Let 
it  be  remembered  that  he  imperilled  his  official  and  pro 
fessional  life  by  this  sacred  respect  for  right  and  pat 
riotic  regard  for  law,  and  our  admiration  augments, 
and  we  feel  that  whatever  fear  of  detriment  to  the  Re 
public  might  obtain,  should  any  other  of  our  successful 


INTRODUCTION.  1 7 

generals  become  President,  there  could  be  no  danger 
in  placing  him  in  the  chair  once  occupied  by  Washing 
ton,  who  had  shown  himself  possessed  of  equal  moder 
ation,  and  equal  respect  for  the  Constitution  and  the 
laws  of  the  country. 

It  is  a  curious  fact  that,  notwithstanding  the  sup 
posed  popular  distrust  of  military  men  for  Presidents, 
so  large  a  number  should  have  been  elected  to  this  high 
office :  Washington,  Monroe,  Jackson,  Harrison,  Tay 
lor,  Pierce,  Grant,  and  Hayes  were  all  soldiers,  and 
were  mostly  selected  as  candidates  because  of  their 
military  record.  When  we  consider  the  functions  and 
duties  of  the  executive,  it  would  seem  that  a  soldier, 
accomplished  in  his  art,  would  be  eminently  fitted  for 
the  discharge  of  these  duties ;  and,  but  for  the  popu 
lar  apprehension  before  alluded  to,  the  military  quali 
ties,  instead  of  being  an  objection,  would  be  regarded 
as  a  qualification  in  a  supreme  magistrate. 

There  is  this  advantage  in  favor  of  selecting  Presi- 

o  o 

dents  from  the  military  profession.  They  are  not  as 
likely  to  be  committed  to  any  partisanship  touching 
political  questions,  beyond  a  general  endorsement  of 
the  principles  of  the  party  to  which  they  adhere. 
Their  professional  position  keeps  them  outside  of  party 
feuds  and  dissensions,  and  enables  them  to  take  broad 
er  and,  as  it  were,  more  judicial  views  of  political 
questions  and  measures  than  those  laymen  who,  to 


18  INTRODUCTION. 

become  sufficiently  prominent  to  be  candidates  for  tlio 
high  office,  must  make  politics  a  profession. 

In  applying  this  observation  to  General  Hancock, 
we  might  observe  that,  while  he  endorses  the  platform 
of  principles  adopted  by  the  Cincinnati  Convention 
and  approves  the  general  policy  of  the  Democratic 
party  in  respect  to  the  important  issues  of  the  cam 
paign,  in  doing  so  he  is  not  called  to  modify  previous 
opinions  inconsistent  with  these  principles,  nor  ex 
plain  any  former  action  antagonistic  thereto.  He  will 
enter  upon  the  discharge  of  the  great  trust  which  the 
people  will  commit  to  him  in  March,  free  of  all  obli 
gations,  and  relieved  of  every  influence  which  might 
embarrass  or  fetter  him.  Pie  has  been  always  noted 
for  his  energy,  industry,  perseverance,  fortitude,  and 
patience.  His  intelligence,  good  judgment  and  sagac 
ity  are  well-known.  His  knowledge  of  men  has  been 
conspicuously  shown  in  the  selection  of  his  staff  offi 
cers,  as  he  has  always  surrounded  himself  with  able 
assistants  who  well  understood  the  work  wanted  from 
them.  We  are  warranted  in  believing  from  his  action 
in  this  respect  that,  should  he  become  President,  he 
will  call  to  his  aid  cabinet  advisers  who  will  know  their 
duty  and  be  competent  to  discharge  it.  Right  men 
will  be  put  in  the  right  places.  The  public  interests 
will  not  suffer  through  official  appointments  made  for 
political  service  only,  nor  will  the  country  be  longer 


INTRODUCTION.  19 

disgraced  by  the  swarms  of  bummers  who  for  years 
have  infested  every  department  of  the  government. 

In  looking  through  the  life  of  General  Hancock, 
we  find,  from  the  time  he  left  West  Point  Acad 
emy,  during  all  his  military  career,  in  war  and  in 
peace,  he  has  exhibited  peculiar  aptitude  for  the  du 
ties  of  an  executive  officer.  Possessing  in  an  emi- 

o 

nent  degree  what  is  termed  "character,"  his  official 
conduct  seems  to  have  been  always  guided  by  fixed 
principles.  He  first  seeks  to  find  what  duty  re 
quires  in  the  matter  before  him,  and,  this  ascer 
tained,  he  enters  at  once  upon  the  performance  of  the 
requisition.  Without  doubt,  the  nature  of  the  military 
profession  fosters  and  develops  this  habit  of  mind.  We 
may  say  that  he  is  eminently  a  man  of  convictions, 
with  the  courage  of  his  convictions ;  but  not  obstinate 
in  temper,  nor  unyielding,  if  good  reasons  be  shown  for 
a  change  of  opinion.  He  is  in  every  respect  a  most 
available  candidate.  There  is  nothing  in  his  record 
which  we  are  called  to  defend.  We  can  abandon  our 
shields  in  this  contest,  for  we  have  no  use  for  them. 
He  is  popular  with  all  sections.  His  nomination  satisfies 
equally  the  North  and  the  South.  He  has  united  into 
a  compact  body  a  divided  Democracy,  and  so  acceptable 
is  he  to  large  numbers  of  our  political  opponents  that 
we  find  Independent  Eepublican  Hancock  organizations 
springing  up  in  nearly  all  the  States. 


20  INTRODUCTION. 

We  have  spoken  of  him  as  certain  to  be  elected,  not 
only  because  this  seems  to  be  the  general  conviction, 
but  because  we  feel  that  since  such  happy  results  would 
follow  his  election,  it  must  occur  that  the  fitness  of 
things  may  be  maintained.  With  General  Hancock  as 
President  of  the  United  States,  all  the  hideous  past 
would  be  buried  forever.  Demagogues  would  cease 
their  devilish  work  of  keeping  the  sections  hostile  by 
rekindling  sectional  animosities.  Amity  and  fraternal 
regard  would  make  us  again  one  people.  The  era  of 
good  feeling  would  return,  and  the  issue  settled  by  war, 
"  an  indestructible  union  of  indestructible  States," 
everywhere  recognized. 

FKEDERICK  O.  PKINCE. 
BOSTON,  July  12, 1880. 


WINFIELD  SCOTT  HANCOCK 


la  T    i. 


BOY    AND    MAN 


CHAPTER  I. 

The  Hancock  Family.  —  Its  Services  in  the  War  of  the  Revolution. 
— Marriage  of  Benjamin  F.  Hancock  and  Settlement  in  Norris- 
town,  Penn.  —  Early  Struggles  of  the  Young  Couple.  —  School- 
Teaching  and  Law.  —  Education  of  the  Twins,  Wiufield  and 
Hilary.  —  Character  and  Public  Services  of  the  Father  of  General 
Hancock. 

EARLY  in  the  year  1828,  a  little  family  moved  into 
the  village  of  Norristown,  Penn.,  from  the  farming 
country  near  by,  and  set  up  their  modest  household. 
This  family  consisted  of  Benjamin  F.  Hancock,  his 
wife  Elizabeth,  and  their  twin  sons.  The  boys,  Win- 
field  Scott  Hancock  and  Hilary  B.  Hancock,  were  at 
that  time  four  years  old. 

Both  father  and  mother  came  of  the  farming  families 
of  Montgomery  County.  Their  English  ancestors  had 
lived  upon  the  soil  in  the  old  country ;  their  fathers 
and  grandfathers  had  found  more  bountiful  subsistence 
in  the  cultivation  of  the  broad  meadows  along  the 
Schuylkill  and  the  rich  intervales  of  the  new  land  which 
they  had  possessed  and  made  free ;  Benjamin  F.  Han 
cock  was  himself  a  farmer ;  Elizabeth  Hexworth  was  a 
farmer's  daughter. 

It  was  a  sturdy,  patriotic  stock,  and  it  flourished  in 
a  section  crowded  with  patriotic  memories.  German- 
town,  Brandywine,  Valley  Forge,  Paoli,  are  names 
indissolubly  associated  with  the  history  of  our  struggle 


SERVICES  or 

for  independence  as  a  Eepublic ;  and  it  was  among  the 
associations  clustering  about  these  places  that  the  Han 
cock  family  grew  up. 

These  associations,  too,  were  interwoven  with  their 
family  history.  The  grandfather  of  Elizabeth  Hancock 
was  one  of  the  patriot  farmers  of  the  Revolution.  He 
won  and  honorably  carried  a  captain's  commission  in 
Washington's  army,  and  gave  his  life  for  his  country, 
dying  of  the  effect  of  hardships  and  privations  in  the 
field  shortly  after  he  saw  the  land  made  free  for  his 
children.  Her  father,  Edward  Hexworth,  although  a 
boy  in  his  teens,  also  joined  the  patriot  army,  and 
fought  by  the  side  of  his  father,  returning  to  enjoy 
the  fruits  of  the  liberty  for  which  he  had  given  his 
youthful  strength  and  enthusiasm.  He  attained  great 
age,  dying  Jan.  29,  1847,  upwards  of  90  years  old. 
Benjamin  F.  Hancock's  father,  Richard  Hancock,  was 
a  mariner.  He  was  captured  at  sea,  and,  with  so  many 
other  patriots,  was  given  the  choice  of  service  against 
his  country  in  the  British  navy,  or  consignment  to  the 
notorious  Dartmoor  Prison,  whose  name  was  a  terror. 
He  chose  the  patriot's  part,  and  did  not  pass  the  double 
barricades  of  that  melancholy  enclosure  until  the  close 
of  the  war.  On  his  release,  he  returned  to  free 
America.  In  the  war  of  1812,  when  the  British  ad 
vanced  their  troops  as  far  as  Red  Bank,  and  the  safety 
of  Philadelphia  and  all  the  towns  in  that  section  was  j 
threatened,  Benjamin  F.  Hancock  himself,  then  a  mere  ! 
lad,  made  one  of  the  local  company  that  garrisoned 
Camp  Dupont. 

This  was  the  family  whose  youngest  members  took 


WINFIELD    SCOTT   HANCOCK.  25 

up  their  residence  in  Norristown  in  1828.  It  was  good 
stock,  —  of  the  people,  of  the  soil ;  it  had  the  traditions 
of  earnest  patriotism  and  honest  labor ;  with  neither 
crest  nor  pedigree,  it  held  a  place  in  the  peerage  of  the 
Republic. 

Benjamin  F.  Hancock,  although  born  in  Philadel 
phia,  was  brought  up  as  a  farmer ;  and  it  was  while 
farming  in  the  country  near  Montgomeryville  that  he 
paid  his  suit  to  Elizabeth  Hexworth,  a  farmer's  daugh 
ter,  and  won  her  for  his  wife.  Even  at  the  time  of  his 
marriage  he  had  aspirations  for  a  different  career,  and 
with  quiet  earnestness  he  set  himself  to  accomplish  it. 
He  had  no  means  of  his  own ;  his  support,  and  that  of 
his  family,  was  the  income  that  his  own  labor  brought 
him.  Farmer  Hexworth  was  a  man  of  moderate  prop 
erty,  comfortably  well  off,  but  not  of  wealth  sufficient 
to  endow  his  daughter  on  her  marriage.  Indeed,  such 
was  not  the  custom  among  the  farmers  of  Pennsylva 
nia.  The  man  who  took  upon  himself  the  responsi 
bilities  of  marriage  was  expected  to  know  his  ability  to 
provide  for  his  own.  So  the  young  couple  set  out  in 
life  dependent  upon  themselves,  confident  and  brave. 
The  husband,  whose  education  was  above  the  average, 
turned  his  talent  to  account  in  teaching  a  country 
school.  The  wife  attended  to  domestic  duties. 

Then  the  children  came ;  and,  under  his  increasing 
responsibilities,  the  father  was  impelled  to  push  for 
ward  more  rapidly  in  the  career  which  he  had  marked 
out  for  himself.  His  ambition  was  not  great ;  but  his 
purpose  was  steady :  it  was  to  place  his  children  in  a 
better  position  for  starting  in  life  than  he  had  occupied. 


26  LIFE   AND   PUBLIC   SERVICES   OF 

This  it  was  that  led  him  to  remove  to  Norristown,  where 
there  were  opportunities  for  advancing  himself  and  for 
educating  his  boys. 

In  Norristown,  with  their  young  family,  Benjamin 
Hancock  and  his  wife  began  their  new  life  in  a  most 
modest  way.  They  were  poor;  but  they  both  had 
confidence  in  themselves.  The  husband  continued  to 
teach  school  in  Norristown,  and  meantime  studied  law 
in  the  office  of  John  Friedley,  Esq.  The  wife,  who 
was  a  true  helpmeet,  bravely  took  her  share  in  the 
work  of  supporting  the  family,  and  opened  a  milliner's 
store  in  the  house  ;  turning  her  talent,  taste,  and  dex 
terity  to  the  best  account  in  aid  of  her  hard-working 
husband.  Benjamin  F.  Hancock  was  admitted  to  the 
Montgomery  County  bar  at  Norristown,  Aug.  19,  1828  ; 
and,  long  after  this,  the  wife  continued  her  occupation 
as  milliner  in  pleasant  rooms  on  one  side  of  the  house, 
while  the  husband  carried  on  his  law  business  in  his 
office  on  the  opposite  side. 

The  Hancock  family  prospered,  as  they  must  have 
prospered  with  such  earnest  endeavor.  Another  son 
was  born.  The  father  was  appointed  justice  of  the 
peace  ;  and,  while  yet  young,  he  began  to  receive  proofs 
of  the  confidence  and  respect  of  his  fellow-citizens, 
which  naturally"  followed  from  his  upright  life.  He 
was  a  quiet,  unassuming  man,  of  sterling  ability  and 
great  integrity.  In  his  profession  he  was  a  counsellor, 
rather  than  a  barrister ;  and  he  was  much  sought  for 
such  business.  Many  were  the  trusts  committed  to 
his  hands ;  his  character  for  uprightness  standing  high 
even  in  a  borough  whose  lawyers  have  a  proverbial 


WINFIELD   SCOTT   HANCOCK.  27 

reputation  for  honesty,  and  his  strong  good  sense 
finding  recognition  from  all  his  fellow-citizens. 

One  matter  in  which  he  took  a  special  and  active 
interest  was  public  education.  When  he  established 
himself  in  Norristown,  the  free-school  system  was  not 
known  in  the  State.  Squire  Hancock  thoroughly  be 
lieved  in  the  system, —  not  as  a  pedagogue,  but  as  a 
practical  man  who  had  himself  taught  children,  and 
who  had  children  of  his  own  to  educate.  He  was  an 
earnest  promoter  of  free  public  schools  ;  and,  when  the 
school  law  was  passed,  he  devoted  his  energies  at  once 
to  the  work  of  securing  its  advantages  for  his  town, 
and  accomplished  as  much  as  any  other  man  in  the 
formation  and  arrangement  of  the  school  system  in 
Norristown.  His  own  boys,  whom  he  was  educating 
at  a  private  academy  in  the  town,  were  taken  out,  and 
sent  to  the  public  schools  ;  and  by  example  as  well  as 
by  labor  he  urged  the  development  of  the  system. 
From  1836  until  his  death,  a  period  of  thirty-one 
years,  he  was  a  prominent  and  active  member  of  the 
School  Board  of  Norristown. 

Mr.  Hancock  was  further  honored  by  the  appoint 
ment  as  Collector  of  Internal  Revenue  by  President 
Johnson,  —  a  position  which  he  held  at  the  time  of  his 
death.  He  lived  to  see  his  son  Hilary  established  in 
his  own  profession  as  a  practising  lawyer,  his  son  John 
a  colonel  of  volunteers  in  the  war  of  the  Rebellion,  and 
Winfield  wearing  the  stars  of  a  major-general  in  the 
United  States  army.  He  died  on  the  1st  of  Febru 
ary,  1867,  leaving  to  his  children  as  the  chief  part  of 
their  inheritance  the  example  of  an  honorable,  Christian 
life.  Mrs.  Hancock  survived  her  husband  twelve  years. 


28  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


CHAPTER    II. 

Birth  and  Boyhood.  —  His  Name,  and  its  Influence  upon  his  Career. 
—  The  School-boys'  Train-band.  —  Captain  Winfield.  —  The  Cham 
pion  of  the  Weak.  —  Anecdotes  of  his  School-days.  —  How  he  Met 
a  Schoolmate  in  after  Years. 

WINFIELD  SCOTT  HANCOCK,  son  of  Benjamin  F.  and 
Elizabeth  Hancock,  was  born  near  Montgomery ville, 
Penn.,  on  the  14th  of  February,  1824.  His  name  was 
given  him,  not  because  of  any  relationship  with  the 
general  who  at  that  time  held  so  high  a  popularity,  but 
from  admiration  of  the  man.  The  Hancock  family,  on 
both  the  father's  and  the  mother's  side,  had  military 
traditions ;  and  the  influence  of  this  may  have  had 
its  effect  in  the  choice  of  a  name  for  one  of  the  twin 
boys  who  came  to  the  young  couple  that  February  day 
in  the  little  farm-house  in  Montgomery  County. 

There  is  much  in  a  name,  especially  when  associated 
with  hereditary  tendencies ;  and  it  can  hardly  be 
doubted  that  in  this  case  the  career  of  the  young  Penn- 
sylvanian  was  in  some  degree  determined  by  the  name 
which  he  bore.  It  is,  of  course,  natural  to  expect  that, 
after  the  development  of  such  exceptional  military 
genius  in  the  man,  incidents  of  his  boyhood  should  be 
recalled  which  seem  to  show  that  the  bent  of  his  mind 
was  always  in  that  direction.  General  Hancock's 
friends  and  school-mates  tell  with  peculiar  zest  of  the 
school-boy  militia  that  used  to  train  under  his  captain- 


WINFIELD    SCOTT   HANCOCK.  29 

ship.  They  describe  the  wooden  muskets  with  tin 
bayonets,  the  paper  hats,  and  the  home-made  uniforms 
and  flags,  that  distinguished  their  soldiery,  and  recount 
the  parades  and  the  drills  in  which  they  participated 
under  the  budding  commander  of  thousands. 

But  it  may  be  considered  doubtful  whether  young 
Hancock  really  had  any  more  than  the  usual  boyish 
fondness  for  military  display.  One  fact,  however,  is 
quite  evident ;  and  this  is,  that  even  at  an  early  age  he 
showed  the  talent  for  leadership  which  developed  to 
such  a  remarkable  degree  in  the  man.  He  was  not 
only  the  captain  of  the  school-boys'  train-band,  but  the 
leader  in  sports,  the  chosen  referee  in  boyish  disputes. 
It  was  the  frequent  course,  in  case  of  a  difference 
between  the  boys,  for  them  to  "  leave  it  out  to  Win- 
field."  And  Winfield  usually  settled  it  with  expedi 
tion,  and  with  a  good  deal  of  sound  common-sense. 
Gray-headed  members  of  that  juvenile  militia  company 
now  relate  with  a  chuckle  —  as  illustrating  Winfield's 
readiness  in  an  emergency  —  how  he  quelled  insubor 
dination  that  threatened  to  become  a  mutiny,  by  order 
ing  the  ringleaders  to  report  at  home  to  their  mothers. 
Discipline  was  restored  at  once. 

The  boy  Winfield  was  tall  and  slim,  with  no  indica 
tions  of  his  'present  figure ;  and,  indeed,  he  retained 
this  physique  until  after  he  returned  from  the  war.  He 
was  sound  in  body,  mind,  and  morals ;  for  his  home 
was  a  Christian  one,  and  all  the  influences  about  the 
household  of  the  Hancocks  were  wholesome  and  manly. 
One  of  his  distinguishing  traits  was  an  entire  absence 
of  fear  in  doing  what  he  considered  his  duty.  He 


30  LITE    AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

would  tolerate  no  bullying  of  the  smaller  boys  when 
he  was  about.  As  one  of  his  school-mates  says,  "If  a 
big  boy  undertook  to  worry  a  small  boy,  he'd  find 
Winficld  atop  of  him  in  short  order." 

Another  story  runs  thus  :  There  was  a  tumult  among 
the  boys  returning  home  from  school  one  day,  just  in 
front  of  Lawyer  Hancock's  office.  The  scuffle  devel 
oped  into  a  stand-up  fight  between  two  of  the  young 
sters,  which  brought  Mr.  Hancock  to  his  office  door,  as 
he  recognized  Winfield  in  one  of  the  combatants. 

"Come  here,  my  son,"  called  the  father,  in  his -inva 
riably  calm  manner. 

The  boy  walked  directly  up  to  the  office  door,  and 
with  flushed  face  looked  his  father  straight  in  the  eye. 

"What  is  the  matter,  Winfield?"  asked  Mr.  Han 
cock. 

"That  big  boy  tried  to  whip  me,"  was  the  reply, 
"  and  I  wasn't  going  to  let  him." 

"  But  he  is  a  great  deal  larger  than  you,  my  son." 

"  I  know  he  is,  father ;  but  I  can't  let  him  whip  me." 

The  boy's  persistence  in  his  purpose  of  establishing 
the  principle  of  equality  had,  however,  to  yield  to  the 
paternal  judgment  of  the  fitness  of  things,  and  the 
combat  was  closed  then  and  there. 

Reverence  for  parental  authority  was  a  characteristic 
of  young  Hancock,  and  so  was  filial  affection.  His 
mother  —  whom  he  venerated  through  life,  and  deeply 
mourned  when  death  removed  her  to  rest  beside  her  hus 
band  and  General  Hancock's  only  daughter  in  the  quiet 
cemetery  of  Norristown  —  used  to  relate  with  happy 
pride  an  incident  in  point.  It  was  when  the  twins 


WltfFIELD   SCOTT    HANCOCK.  31 

were  yet  young  that  one  evening  she  was  left  alone 
by  the  necessary  absence  of  the  father  on  public  busi 
ness  until  a  late  hour.  She  was  engaged  on  some 
household  work ;  but  she  noticed  that  she  was  never 
ilone.  When  bedtime  came  for  the  twins,  one  of  them 
went,  the  other  remained.  After  the  lapse  of  an  hour, 
the  one  who  had  been  sitting  quietly  with  her  left  the 
room,  and  the  other  came  in  to  take  his  place.  She 
found  that  the  little  fellows  had,  of  their  own  motion, 
decided  that  mother  was  not  to  be  left  to  sit  up  alone 
all  that  long  evening,  and  had  organized  a  watch  to 
keep  her  company.  One  was  to  sit  up  the  first  hour ; 
the  other,  the  next ;  and  so  on. 

Those  who  knew  General  Hancock  as  a  boy  speak 
always  of  his  generosity  as  a  leading  trait  in  his  char 
acter.  There  was  nothing  mean  about  him.  He  was 
thoughtful  for  others  before  himself.  He  always  wanted 
his  friends  to  share  what  good  fortune  he  had,  — to  have 
as  good  as  he  had  himself.  This  trait  remained  with 
him  throughout  his  career,  and  won  for  him  stanch 
friends  in  whatever  station  he  found  himself  placed. 

There  is  a  story  told  which  in  a  measure  illustrates 
this  quality,  although  its  most  curious  interest  is  found 
in  its  sequel.  A  poor  little  orphan  boy  came  to  Nor- 
ristown  when  Winfield  was  about  eleven  years  old,  sent 
there  at  the  death  of  his  parents  to  be  cared  for  by  dis 
tant  relatives.  Winfield,  in  a  manner,  took  the  little 
fellow  under  his  protection.  He  was  the  youngest  and 
the  smallest  boy  in  the  school  which  they  both  attended, 
and  was  consequently  on  occasion  the  butt  of  those  who 
were  inclined  to  bully  or  tease.  Young  Hancock  was 


32  LIFE    AND   PUBLIC   SERVICES    OF 

already  developing  into  a  manly  boy,  and  he  stood  be 
tween  his  little  protege  and  his  persecutors,  fought  his 
battles  for  him,  made  a  place  for  him  among  the  others, 
and  divided  with  him  his  not  very  lavish   supply  of 
pocket-money  in  those  treats  which  school-boys  delight 
in.    This  little  fellow  left  Norristown  as  poor  as  he  had 
come  into  it,  going  to  Philadelphia  to  work  for  his  own 
living  as  soon  as  he  had  passed  the  dependent  age,  and 
reaching  that  city  with  only  one  cent  in  his  pocket. 
But  he  was  fortunate  in  finding  work,  and  he  worked 
so  well  at  his  trade,  carpentering,  that  before  long  he 
was  at  the  head  of  a  gang  of  men  ;  and,  to  make  a  long 
story  short,  in   the  course  of  years  he  accumulated 
wealth,  and,  going  into  politics,  was  elected  a  member 
of  the  city  council.     During  the  same  years,  Winfield 
had  also  grown   to   man's  estate,  and  made  his  own 
career  in  another  field ;  and  it  was  the  little  forsaken 
fellow  whom  he  had  befriended  in  his  school-days,  who, 
in  the  city  government  of  Philadelphia,  introduced  the 
resolutions    of   thanks    and   welcome   to   Major-Gen. 
Winfield  Scott  Hancock,  in  the  name  of  the  city,  and 
offering  him  the  use  of  the  historic  Independence  Hall 
for   a   reception    on   his  visit   to   Philadelphia.      The 
chances  of  life  had  brought  again  into  immediate  asso 
ciation  John  W.  Everman  and  Winfield  S.  Hancock, 
through  paths  so  widely  separated  since  the  Norristown 
school-days,     It  was  Everman,  too,  who,  as  chairman 
of  the  committee  of  the  city  government,  presented 
the  engrossed  resolutions  to  his  former  school-mate  and 
champion. 

These  recollections  of  the  early  boyhood  of  Winfield 


HANCOCK'S  EARLY  HOME,  NORRISTOWN,  PA. 


WINFIELD   SCOTT  HANCOCK.  33 

Scott  Hancock  are  cherished  as  precious  memories  at 
his  old  home  in  the  Schuylkill  Valley;  having  little 
value,  indeed,  in  themselves,  but  serving  to  bring  into 
closer  sympathy  the  hero  whom  a  united  country 
honors,  with  the  people  from  whom  he  came  and  one 
of  whom  he  is. 


34  LIFE   AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 


CHAPTER    III. 

One  of  Winfiold  Hancock's  Chums.  —  His  Home  Life.  —  A  Student 
in  Norristowu  Academy. —  The  Baptist  Sunday-School. —  A  Cadet 
at  West  Point.  —  How  he  was  Appointed. — His  Class-mates. — 
Courtship  and  Marriage.  —  Birth  of  Children. —  Honors  received. 

AMONG  the  intimate  friends  of  General  Hancock's 
school-boy  days  was  Hon.  B.  E.  Chain,  now  one  of  the 
leading  lawyers  of  the  Montgomery  County  bar.  The 
friendship,  which  began  in  boyhood,  has  continued  even 
to  the  present  day ;  Mr.  Chain  having  had  the  settle 
ment  of  the  elder  Hancock's  estate,  and  in  other  ways 
giving  the  General  and  his  family  the  benefit  of  his 
legal  knowledge  and  business  ability.  A  more  vivid 
picture  of  General  Hancock  as  a  youth  cannot  be  found 
in  brief  space  than  that  which  Mr.  Chain  gives  in  his 
own  words,  as  follows  : — 

"  I  have  known  him  for  over  forty  }^ears,  and,  boy  and 
man,  am  glad  to  claim  him  as  a  friend.  In  1828  he  came 
from  Montgomery  township,  near  Montgomerj'ville,  about 
ten  miles  from  here,  to  this  town,  with  his  father  and  mother 
and  twin  brother,  Hilary.  He  was  then  about  four  years 
old.  The  family  went  to  reside  in  a  two-story  stone  house, 
still  standing,  but  very  dilapidated.  This  house  at  that  time 
was  one  mile  west  of  the  town,  on  the  old  Ridge  pike.  It  is 
now  in  the  cit}' limits,  near  the  cemetery.  He  first  went  to 
school  to  Eliphalet  Roberts,  in  the  academy,  which  then 
stood  where  the  present  market-house  stands. 


WINFIELD    SCOTT    HANCOCK.  35 

"From  my  earliest  acquaintance  with  him,  we  boys  ac 
knowledged  him  as  a  kind  of  a  leader.  He  was  quiet,  but 
firm,  in  all  he  undertook.  I  remember  that  his  tastes  earlier 
ran  in  a  soldierly  direction.  He  used  to  get  us  boys  back  of 
the  academy,  and,  improvising  cocked  hats  of  paper  and  guns 
and  swords  of  sticks,  put  us  through  all  manner  of  manoeu 
vres,  that  to  our  boyish  ideas  were  the  acme  of  military 
perfection. 

"At  that  time  his  father  was  in  poor  circumstances,  and  it 
was  a  struggle  for  him  to  gain  sustenance  for  his  family.  As 
business  improved  in  his  profession  as  a  lawyer,  he  moved 
into  town,  and  occupied  a  three- story  brick  house  on  Swede 
Street,  close  to  Lafayette  Street,  having  his  office  in  a  small 
brick  building  adjoining.  Winfield  and  his  brother,  Hilary, 
at  that  time  looked  so  much  alike  that  it  was  hard  to  dis 
tinguish  one  from  the  other  across  the  street. 

"His  father  and  mother  were  Baptists  of  the  strictest 
school,  and  kept  their  children  in  their  earlier  years  under 
the  most  rigid  moral  training.  The  consequence  was,  that 
up  to  the  tune  Winfield  went  to  West  Point  he  had  no  vices. 
He  was  then  in  his  seventeenth  year,  was  tall  for  his  age,  but 
very  slender. 

"  He  never  forgot  his  old. friends  ;  and  after  he  graduated 
he  would  visit  them  at  times,  never  assuming  any  superiority, 
but  on  the  footing  established  in  the  boyhood  days.  His  life 
after  leaving  West  Point  has  become  historical,  and  needs  no 
repetition  from  me.  With  regard  to  his  religious  predilec 
tions,  he  is  not  connected  with  any  denomination.  While 
the  General  was  quite  young,  his  father  and  mother  connected 
themselves  with  the  Baptists  in  this  town ;  and  the  General, 
then  a  small  boy,  attended  the  Sunday-school  of  that  church, 
his  father  being  the  superintendent." 

The  attachment  of  General  Hancock  for  his  boy- 


36  LIFE   AND   PUBLIC   SERVICES   OP 

hood's  home  was  equally  sincere.  Soon  after  he 
assumed  command  of  the  Military  Division  of  the 
Atlantic,  he  remarked  to  a  friend,  "Now,  if  the  gov 
ernment  will  only  remove  my  headquarters  to  Phil 
adelphia,  I  shall  be  able  to  realize  the  desire  of  my 
heart  by  making  my  residence  in  Norristown,  the  home 
of  my  childhood."  This  was  not  to  be ;  but  if  Gen 
eral  Hancock  could  have  witnessed  the  universal  joy 
that  pervaded  Norristown,  without  regard  to  party, 
when  the  news  was  received  there  of  his  nomination 
to  the  presidency  by  the  Democratic  convention  at 
Cincinnati,  he  would  have  realized  how  fully  his  feel 
ings  were  reciprocated,  and  how  proudly  his  native 
town  watched  the  brilliant  career  of  the  stripling  youth 
whom  it  had  sent  forth. 

Along  the  streets,  in  all  public  places,  in  private 
offices,  everywhere  in  and  about  the  town,  party  feel 
ing  was  laid  aside,  and  general  rejoicing  prevailed. 
Five  hundred  guns  were  fired,  the  town  was  illuminated 
in  the  evening,  and  the  whole  population  turned  out  at 
an  impromptu  ratification  meeting.  Old  men,  who 
had  almost  reached  the  allotted  "  threescore  years  and 
ten,"  forgot  political  strife  as  they  shook  hands,  and 
discussed  their  boyish  recollections  of  "  Winfield  Han 
cock."  It  was  no  longer  General  Hancock  to  them, 
but  old  Ben  Hancock's  boy,  "Winfield."  The  old  two- 
story  stone  house  near  the  Montgomery  cemetery,  that 
has  been  in  so  dilapidated  a  condition  for  years  that  it 
has  not  been  habitable,  where  General  Hancock's  child 
hood  days  were  spent,  became  at  once  a  place  of  im 
portance  ;  and  during  the  day  not  a  few  who  had  passed 


WINFIELD   SCOTT  HAJNOOCK.  37 

it  for  years  without  giving  a  thought  to  the  old  struct 
ure  stopped  to  gaze  upon  it. 

Young  Hancock  received  the  best  education  that  his 
parents  could  provide  for  him ;  and  he  improved  his 
opportunities.  He  was  placed  at  school  in  the  Norris- 
town  Academy,  where  Eliphalet  Koberts  was  his  first 
teacher.  When  the  public  school  system  was  adopted, 
his  father  being  one  of  the  promoters  of  the  system, 
and  also  actively  engaged  in  carrying  out  its  opera 
tions  as  one  of  the  school  board  of  Norristown,  he 
was  sent  to  a  free  school. 

He  was  a  studious  boy,  and  a  bright  one ;  and,  as 
early  as  his  fifteenth  year,  he  was  selected  to  read  the 
Declaration  of  Independence  on  the  occasion  of  the 
public  celebration  of  the  anniversary. 

In  the  year  1840,  when  he  was  sixteen,  Winfield 
Scott  Hancock  received  the  appointment  to  the  Mili 
tary  Academy  at  West  Point.  It  was  the  natural 
course  for  the  career  of  a  boy  who,  by  descent,  by 
family  tradition,  and  by  native  preference,  had  a 
military  bent.  The  profession  of  arms  was  one  to 
which  he  inevitably  tended.  The  appointment  was 
made  by  Hon.  Joseph  Fornance,  at  that  time  repre 
senting  the  district  in  Congress.  Mr.  Fornance  was  a 
friend  of  young  Hancock's  father,  respected  him  as  a 
citizen  and  as  a  man,  knew  his  struggle  to  educate  his 
boys  properly,  and  saw  also  in  Winfield  the  evidence 
of  a  spirit  and  ability  that  would  do  credit  to  the  coun 
try  under  the  training  of  the  Military  School. 

But  there  is  a  curious  story  of  the  way  in  which  the 
appointment  was  brought  about,  which,  whether  it  is 


#8  LIFE   AND   PUBLIC   SERVICES   OP 

Vrue  or  a  fable,  at  least  illustrates  how  comparatively 
imall  incidents  may  turn  the  course  of  events  unex 
pectedly  to  great  results. 

This  story  goes  that  at  that  time  there  lived  in  Mont 
gomery  County  an  ex-member  of  Congress,  whose 
;aste  for  political  management,  as  well  as  his  large 
experience  in  public  affairs,  gave  him  great  influence. 
He  was  a  lawyer  and  a  bachelor ;  and,  in  place  of  a 
family  on  which  to  lavish  his  affection,  he  gave  it  all  to 
bis  profession,  to  politics,  and  to  a  remarkably  fine 
borse,  which  he  rode  on  all  his  errands  of  business  or 
pleasure  over  the  country.  In  course  of  time,  the 
horse  grew  old  and  stiff,  and,  to  provide  his  favorite 
with  a  comfortable  maintenance  in  his  age,  the  lawyer 
presented  him  to  a  professional  friend  in  Philadelphia, 
with  the  understanding  that  he  was  to  be  used  only  for 
light  family  work,  and  to  be  well  cared  for.  Going  to 
Philadelphia  some  time  after,  the  lawyer  recognized  in 
an  overloaded  dray  horse,  beaten  by  a  cruel  driver, 
the  pet  animal  that  he  had  consigned  to  the  care  of  his 
friend.  He  at  once  bought  his  old  horse,  and  took  him 
back  to  Montgomery  County. 

Now,  it  so  happened  that  the  Philadelphia  friend,  who 
had  so  violated  friendship  and  decency  by  selling  the 
gift  of  the  Montgomery  County  lawyer,  to  be  abused, 
contrary  to  their  understanding,  had  a  son  for  whom 
he  wished  an  appointment  as  cadet  at  West  Point. 
Knowing  that  there  was  a  vacancy  in  Congressman 
Fornance's  district,  he  removed  part  of  his  family  into 
Montgomery  County,  for  the  purpose  of  securing  the 
appointment  as  a  resident  of  the  district;  and  such 


WINFIELD    SCOTT   HANCOCK.  39 

were  the  influences  he  brought  to  bear  that  he  would 
probably  have  succeeded,  but  for  the  indignation  of  the 
owner  of  the  horse,  whose  confidence  he  had  betrayed. 
The  latter,  as  a  manner  of  getting  even  with  him, 
threw  all  his  influence  in  favor  of  the  appointment  of 
^oung  Hancock,  and  was  successful. 

This  is  one  of  the  stories  of  the  region,  in  relating 
which,  as  it  may  have  little  foundation  in  fact,  we  have 
omitted  all  mention  of  names.  It  is  on  the  whole  more 
probable  that  Hon.  Joseph  Fornance,  who  knew  and 
respected  Benjamin  F.  Hancock,  both  as  a  lawyer  and 
a  citizen,  needed  no  extraordinary  inducement  or  influ 
ence  to  appoint  his  son,  so  promising  a  youth,  to  the 
vacancy  at  West  Point. 

The  period  at  which  Hancock  was  at  West  Point  was 
prolific  of  distinguished  graduates.  Among  his  fellow- 
cadets  whose  names  have  become  familiar  to  every 
American  citizen,  and  are  known,  indeed,  through  the 
svhole  world,  were  George  B.  McClellan,  U.  S.  Grant, 
John  F.  Reynolds  (who  fell  on  the  first  day  at  Gettys 
burg),  J.  L.  Reno  (who  fell  at  South  Mountain),  Wil 
liam  B.  Franklin,  Burnside,  "  Baldy"  Smith,  Pleasanton, 
Ord,  "Stonewall"  Jackson,  Longstreet,  the  two  Hills, 
and  others.  Hancock  was  esteemed  at  West  Point, 
as  he  had  been  at  home,  and  developed  military  talent 
of  the  first  order.  Here  it  was  that  he  first  saw  and 
conversed  with  Gen.  Winfield  Scott,  for  whom  he  was 
named ;  and  it  is  said  that  the  veteran  soldier  found 
much  to  commend  in  the  stripling  cadet.  It  cannot 
be  doubted  that  his  bearing  such  a  name  had  much 
to  do  with  inspiring  Hancock  in  his  career,  as  it  had 
with  his  choice  of  a  profession. 


40  LITE   AND   PUBLIC    SEKVICES   OF 

The  character  of  the  boy  strengthened  and  devel 
oped  under  the  discipline  of  West  Point  and  amid  the 
competitors  that  he  there  had,  and  he  took  high  rank 
as  a  scholar,  graduating  eighteenth  in  a  large  class  on 
the  30th  of  June,  1844,  when  he  received  his  commis 
sion  as  Brevet  Second  Lieutenant  in  the  Sixth  In 
fantry. 

Of  his  military  career  and  services,  so  brilliant  and 
so  great,  we  shall  next  speak.  It  was  while  he  wa-s 
serving  as  adjutant  of  his  regiment,  then  stationed  at 
St.  Louis,  before  he  had  attained  full  rank  as  First 
Lieutenant,  although  he  had  been  bre vetted  for  gallantry 
in  the  Mexican  war,  that  he  married  Miss  Russell,  the 
daughter  of  a  prominent  merchant  of  St.  Louis,  in 
1850.  The  fruit  of  this  union  was  two  children,  — a 
son,  Russell,  named  after  Mrs.  Hancock's  father  ;  and  a 
daughter,  who  died  at  the  age  of  eighteen,  several  years 
ago,  and  was  buried  in  the  family  lot  in  the  Norristown 
cemetery.  Russell  Hancock  is  married,  and  lives  on 
his  plantation,  about  one  hundred  miles  below  Mem 
phis. 

Since  his  commission  in  the  United  States  army, 
General  Hancock  has  had  no  home  except  where  duty 
called  him.  Once  or  twice  he  has  hired  a  house  and 
fitted  it  up  for  occupancy,  expecting  a  residence  of 
considerable  length.  But  the  inexorable  orders  of  the 
War  Department  have  compelled  him  to  break  up 
housekeeping,  and  remove  perhaps  a  thousand  miles 
to  take  charge  of  a  different  command.  There  is  no 
home-life  for  one  in  the  service,  except  what  a  conge 
nial  family  can  give ;  and  this,  it  may  be  said,  has  been 


WTNFIELD   SCOTT   HANCOCK.  41 

General  Hancock's  good  fortune  since  the  day  when  he, 
as  a  young  lieutenant,  plighted  vows  with  Miss  Eussell 
at  St.  Louis.  He  has  ever  been  a  servant  of  his  coun 
try  ;  doing  his  duty  faithfully  and  with  honor  in  every 
station,  whether  of  danger  or  of  wearisome  labor,  to 
which  he  was  called.  He  early  learned  to  obey;  he 
quickly  showed  his  power  to  command.  As  a  man,  he 
proved  himself  upright  and  honorable  ;  as  a  citizen, 
he  showed  himself  stanchly  patriotic  under  all  circum 
stances.  As  a  soldier,  his  name  is  one  of  the  brightest 
on  our  roll  of  heroes.  In  the  course  of  his  career,  he 
became  the  recipient  of  a  service  of  plate  from  the 
citizens  of  Pennsylvania,  of  a  sword  from  the  United 
States  "Sanitary  Commission  of  St.  Louis,  and  of  the 
official  thanks,  not  only  of  the  city  of  Philadelphia, 
—  the  most  distinuished  honor  that  could  be  con 


ferred  —  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States. 


WINFIELD  SCOTT  HANCOCK 


UP  .A.  IB  T     II. 


THE     SOLDIEB 


CHAPTER  I. 

Lieutenant  Hancock  enters  the  Sixth  Infantry. —  His  Service  on  the 
Plains. —  Protecting  the  Advance  Guard  of  White  Settlers. —  The 
Outbreak  of  tho  Mexican  War. —  Hancock's  Request  to  be  ordered 
TO  the  Front. —  He  is  sent  to  Mexico. —  His  first  Experience  under 
Fire  at  Contreras  and  San  Antonio. —  He  begins  to  make  a  Record. 

LIEUTENANT  HANCOCK  entered  the  army  from  West 
Point,  well  qualified  to  develop,  under  favorable  cir 
cumstances,  the  great  talents  which  he  then  possessed 
in  embryo,  and  also  having  within  his  breast  a  noble 
ambition  to  make  his  name  worthy  of  the  parents  who 
had  reared  and  taught  him.  The  characteristics  which 
have  since  made  him  one  of  the  foremost  men  in  the  land 
were  even  at  that  time  apparent.  He  was  earnest,  in 
dustrious,  conscientious,  and  strongly  patriotic.  He 
sought  duty  for  the  sake  of  doing  it  well,  and  he 
shirked  nothing  which  came  to  him  in  the  path  of  his 
profession.  The  effects  of  his  early  training  in  the 
Norristown  home  remained  with  him,  keeping  him 
honest,  sincere,  and  true  to  himself.  Cadet-life  at  West 
Point  had  not  obliterated  the  home  influence,  and  he 
went  into  the  army  with  a  fresh  heart  and  an  earnest 
purpose. 

On  the  1st  of  July,  1844,  he  received  his  brevet 
Second  Lieutenancy,  in  the  Sixth  Infantry,  and  was 
ordered  to  report  to  his  command  in  the  Indian  Terri 
tory.  The  Sixth  Regiment  was  then  stationed  in  the 


46  LIFE   AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

Far  West,  in  the  region  of  the  Washita  or  Red  River. 
It  was  here  that  he  served  his  novitiate.  Settlers  neai 
the  Indian  Territory  were  then,  as  now,  subject  to  fre 
quent  alarms ;  but  at  that  time,  the  Indians  being 
vastly  more  numerous,  the  country  comparatively 
vacant  of  white  residents  and  means  of  communication 
almost  nothing,  they  were  much  more  at  the  mercy  of 
the  savage  raiders.  The  army  of  the  United  States 
was  almost  entirely  occupied  with  the  protection  of  the 
advance-line  of  settlers  as  it  slowly  pushed  its  way 
across  the  continent,  each  year  hearing  the  axe's  ring 
further  in  the  western  forest,  and  seeing  the  rich  prairie 
soil  turned  in  furrows  nearer  to  the  setting  sun. 

Hostile  tribes  were  numerous  and  active ;  and  in 
place  of  the  occasional  outbreaks  at  the  more  distant 
points  of  our  unsettled  territory,  which  now  occur,  the 
whole  line  of  the  pioneers'  advance  was  constantly 
threatened. 

There  was  no  glory  to  be  gained  by  service  in  this 
section.  It  was  the  drudgery  of  army  life,  one  day 
differing  from  another  by  little  which  can  be  called  in 
cident.  But  it  is  now,  as  it  was  in  1844,  the  school  of 
practice  to  which  West  Point  graduates  are  sent  to 
familiarize  themselves  with  the  practical  workings  of 
the  theories  learned  at  the  Academy. 

Lieutenant  Hancock  was  for  a  time  stationed  at  Fort 
Towson,  on  the  Red  River  of  the  South,  and  was  then 
transferred  to  Fort  Washita,  at  that  time  our  most 
western  military  station.  It  was  here  that,  on  the 
18th  of  June,  1846,  he  received  his  commission  as 
full  Second  Lieutenant. 


WLNFTELD   SCOTT   HANCOCK.  47 

In  the  mean  time,  the  diplomatic  difficulties  between 
the  United  States  and  Mexico  had  developed  into  open 
war.  Taylor  had  made  an  entrance  into  the  territory 
of  the  Montezumas,  and  his  brilliant  victories  had 
aroused  the  war-spirit  throughout  the  land.  Lieutenant 
Hancock  had  been  sent  eastward  from  the  Red  River 
territory  —  although  the  point  to  which  he  was  ordered 
was  then  considered  far  west  —  and  was  engaged  in 
the  recruiting  service  at  Newport  Barracks,  Ky. 
He  chafed  under  this  restraint  while  the  bugles  were 
calling  across  the  border ;  for  he  had  the  spirit  of  the 
true  soldier,  which  permits  no  contentment  in  inactivity 
when  his  country  calls  for  aid.  And  when  President 
Folk's  administration  determined  to  push  the  war  to  a 
conclusion,  and  in  November,  1846,  ordered  General 
Scott  to  take  command  and  finish  the  conflict,  Hancock 
could  wait  no  longer,  but  made  formal  application  to 
the  War  Department  to  be  sent  to  the  front.  A  letter 
to  his  twin  brother,  written  about  this  time,  gives  a 
brief  expression  of  his  feelings. 

NEWPORT  BARRACKS,  KY.,  May  5,  1847. 
MY  DEAR  HILARY  : —  I  was  exceedingly  glad  to  find,  on  my 
arrival  here  from  Fort  Scott,  two  long  and  interesting  letters 
from  you.  The  only  thing  that  grieves  me  is,  that  I  cannot 
g?t  to  Mexico.  I  made  an  application  to-day  to  join  the 
army  going  to  the  front.  Whether  the  Adjutant-General 
will  favor  it  or  not,  I  do  not  know,  but  think  it  doubtful.  I 
am  actively  engaged  as  Superintendent  of  the  recruiting  ser 
vice  for  the  Western  Division,  and  acting  as  Assistant 
Inspector-General ;  but  though  my  services  are  said  to  be 
useful,  I  still  want  to  go  to  Mexico. 

Your  affectionate  brother,  WINFIELD. 


48  IIFE   AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES   OF 

Had  Lieutenant  Hancock's  request  been  refused,  or 
had  his  regiment  been  continued  on  service  along  the 
western  frontier  instead  of  going  to  Mexico  with  Scott, 
the  career  of  the  young  soldier  would  have  been  delayed 
in  its  opening.  And,  while  we  cannot  doubt  that  his 
genius  and  his  strong  qualities  of  mind  would  have 
brought  him  to  a  commanding  position  in  time,  his 
course  would  probably  have  been  different,  and  possibly 
with  widely  different  results. 

But  he  was  to  have  his  desire.     In  June,  only  a  few 
weeks  after  his  desponding  letter  to  his  brother,  his 
regiment  was  ordered  to  join  Scott's  army  in  Mexico. 
Taylor  had  been  fighting  in  a  desultory  way  along  the 
border.     Scott  was  to  penetrate  the  interior  and  "  con 
quer  a  peace,"  all  in  a  short  campaign  of  six  month 
and  five  days.       Already,  on  the  9th  of  March,  1847 
Scott  had  landed  at  Vera  Cruz  with  twelve  thousanc 
men,  under  fire  and  through  the  surf,  without  losing 
boat  or  a  man,  and  had  taken  the  city  and  the  castle  o: 
San  Juan  de  Ulloa,  with  five  thousand  prisoners.     Al 
ready  the  army  had  begun  to  push  toward  the  interior 
and  the  heights  of  Cerro  Gordo  had  been  stormed  am 
taken.     The  gallant  Shields,  then  a  general,  and  Phil 
Kearney,  then  a  captain  of  cavalry,  had  been  honora 
bly   mentioned ;    Robert  E.  Lee,  then   a   captain   01 
engineers,  was  in  what  Scott  called  his  "little  cabi 
net ; "  and  Colonel  Harney  was  leading  his  artillery 
It  was  a  time  when  reputations  were  making  rapidly,  anc 
every  young  officer's  ambition  burned  to  take  part  in 
the  conflict.    Then  Scott  pushed  his  arms  on  to  Jalapa 
and  thence  to  Puebla,  always  straight  to  ward  the  capital 


WINFIELD   SCOTT    HANCOCK.  49 

Here  it  was  that  Winfield  Scott  Hancock  first  found 
himself  in  service  under  the  veteran  soldier  for  whom 
he  was  named.  Reinforcements,  after  long  delay, 
reached  the  army  of  invasion  at  Puebla.  Among  them 
was  Gen.  Franklin  Pierce,  in  command  of  a  brigade; 
Beauregard  and  McClellan,  both  then  lieutenants,  were 
on  the  Engineer  Corps ;  Hammond  was  an  assistant- 
surgeon.  In  fact,  the  roster  of  the  little  army  under 
Scott  that  met  at  Puebla  contained  names  that  the  his 
tory  of  the  past  thirty  years  has  made  famous  through 
out  the  world.  Lieut.  Winfield  Scott  Hancock  was  in 
Colonel  Clarke's  brigade,  the  second  in  General  Worth's 
division. 

The  advance  began  on  the  7th  of  August,  1847,  only 
three  months  after  Lieutenant  Hancock  had  written  his 
doubts  of  ever  being  permitted  to  share  in  the  dangers 
and  the  glories  of  this  war.  Santa  Anna  had  then  had 
nearly  four  months  since  the  battle  of  Cerro  Gordo  to 
collect  and  reorganize  the  entire  means  of  the  Mexi 
can  Republic  for  a  last  vigorous  attempt  to  crush  the 
invasion.  The  Mexican  general  possessed  wonderful 
energy,  ability,  and  courage ;  and  it  wTas  no  easy  task 
that  Scott  had  undertaken,  to  march  his  little  army 
through  a  hostile  country  to  the  capture  of  the  capital 
city.  It  is  reported  of  the  Duke  of  Wellington,  that, 
having  followed  carefully  on  the  map  the  victorious 
course  of  the  United  States  army  up  to  the  basin  of 
Mexico,  at  that  point  he  said  :  "  Scott  is  lost.  He  has 
been  carried  away  by  successes.  He  can't  take  the  city, 
and  he  can't  fall  back  upon  his  base." 

On  the    10th   of  August  the    regiment    in   which 


50  LIFE   AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES   OF 

Hancock  served  crossed  the  Rio  Frio  range  of  moun 
tains,  the  highest  point  in  the  bed  of  the  road  between 
the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  oceans.  In  his  account,  General 
Scott  says :  "  Descending  the  long  western  slope,  a 
magnificent  basin,  with,  near  its  centre,  the  object  of 
all  our  dreams  and  hopes,  toils  and  dangers— once  the 
gorgeous  seat  of  the  Montezumas,  now  the  capital  of  a 
great  republic — first  broke  upon  our  enchanted  view. 
The  close-surrounding  lakes,  sparkling  under  a  bright 
sun,  seemed,  in  the  distance,  pendant  diamonds.  The 
numerous  steeples,  of  great  beauty  and  elevation,  with 
Popocatepetl,  ten  thousand  feet  higher,  apparently  near 
enough  to  touch  with  the  hand,  filled  the  mind  with  re 
ligious  awe.  Recovering  from  the  sublime  trance, 
probably  not  a  man  in  the  column  failed  to  say  to  his 
neighbor  or  himself,  That  splendid  city  soon  shall  be 
ours  !  All  were  ready  to  suit  the  action  to  the  word." 
Here,  in  descending  the  Rio  Frio  range  into  the  valley 
of  Mexico,  Worth's  brigade,  in  which  was  Lieutenant 
Hancock,  was  sent  forward  to  lead  the  way.  Forty- 
seven  miles  in  eight  days  brought  the  army  over  a  route 
deemed  impracticable  by  the  enemy,  to  San  Augustin  ; 
and  thence  the  fighting  began.  A  series  of  brilliant 
events  was  contested,  all  in  the  sight  of  the  city  of 
Mexico.  Contreras  was  taken  in  two  days  of  sharp 
fighting  against  greatly  superior  numbers,  and  then 
came  San  Antonio,  through  which  was  opened  the  road 
to  Mexico.  Worth's  division  had  shared  the  honors  of 
Contreras,  and  to  it  was  also  given  the  work  of  attack 
ing  San  Antonio  in  front.  These  were  the  first 
considerable  engagements  in  which  Lieutenant  Hancock 


WINFIELD   SCOTT   HANCOCK.  51 

ever  took  part.  It  was  his  brigade  which,  at  San 
Antonio,  in  the  words  of  General  Scott  in  his  official 
report,  "  turned  to  the  left,  and  by  a  wide  sweep,  carne 
out  upon  the  high-road  to  the  capital,  cut  in  the  centre 
the  heavy  garrison  of  three  thousand  men  which  was  in 
retreat,  drove  one  portion  oif  upon  Dolores  and  the 
other  upon  Churubusco,  and,  following  in  pursuit 
through  the  town,  took  one  general  prisoner,  five 
abandoned  guns,  much  ammunition,  and  other  prop 
erty." 

It  was  a  gallant  dash,  and  the  young  officers  of  the 
Sixth  Regiment  proved  their  mettle.  An  eye-witness 
describes  the  scene  of  confusion  as  unparalleled.  The 
magnificent  causeway,  lined  on  both  sides  with  rows  of 
stately  shade-trees,  was  filled,  as  far  as  the  eye  could 
reach,  with  masses  of  the  flying  enemy.  Cavalry, 
artillery,  and  infantry  were  all  rushing  forward  pell- 
mell,  amid  the  shouts  of  the  officers  as  they  gave  their 
confused  and  hurried  orders,  the  rumbling  of  artillery 
and  baggage-wagons  as  the  horses  were  whipped  uj 
to  their  full  speed,  the  yells  of  teamsters  and  the 
shrieks  of  the  wounded  and  dying  as  they  were  tumbled 
from  their  saddles  by  the  unerring  aim  of  our  soldiers. 

Raphael  Semmes,  since  the  notorious  Confederate 
privateer  admiral,  was  at  that  time  on  the  staff  of  Gen 
eral  Worth,  and  in  describing  this  affair,  he  relates  the 
following  anecdote  :  "  We  made  a  great  many  pris 
oners,  many  of  whom  threw  themselves  at  our  feet  in 
the  greatest  alarm  and  consternation.  I  happened  to 
witness  an  amusing  scene  just  as  I  came  out  upon  the 
road.  I  saw,  lying  prostrate  under  one  of  the  shade- 


52  LIFE   AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

trees,  a  remarkably  bulky-looking  figure  in  the  uniform 
of  a  Mexican  general,  and  a  soldier  of  one  of  our  com 
panies  standing  by  him.  Supposing  the  officer  to  have 
been  killed,  I  inquired  of  the  soldier  if  this  were  the 
fact.  'Oh,  no,  sir,'  said  he,  f  he  is  only  a  little  out  of 
wind,  being  a  fat  man ;  I  have  just  run  him  down.' 
The  general  afterwards  informed  me  that,  in  the  hurry 
of  the  retreat,  his  aid-de-camp  had  run  off  with  his  horse, 
and  that  this  was  the  cause  of  his  being  captured  ! — a 
thing  which,  I  suppose,  could  only  occur  in  Mexico." 


WINFIELD   SCOTT   HANCOCK.  53 


CHAPTER  n. 

Battle  of  Churubusco. —  The  Advance  upon  the  City  of  Mexico. —  The 
Bridge  at  Clmrubusco  the  Key  to  the  Situation. —  General  Worth's 
Brigade  ordered  to  carry  the  Fortification. —  Lieutenant  Hancock's 
Company  Leads  the  Charge.—  The  Repulse.—  The  Tete  du  Pont 
taken  by  Storm. —  Lieutenant  Hancock  yrins  his  first  Brevet  for 
Gallantry  in  Action. 

IT  was  now  the  20th  of  August,  and  Lieutenant 
Hancock  was  one  of  a  victorious  army  —  victorious, 
too,  over  many  times  its  own  numbers  —  on  the  great 
causeway  leading  straight  to  the  city  of  Mexico.  He 
had  won  his  spurs  at  Contreras  and  at  San  Antonio, 
and  Churubusco  lay  right  before  him,  where  the  great 
battle  was  to  be  fought. 

The  city  of  Mexico  lies  in  the  centre  of  a  basin  or 
amphitheatre,  whose  mountain-rim  is  about  one  hundred 
and  eighty  miles  ill  circumference.  It  formerly  occupied 
islands  in  the  lake  of  Tezcuco  ;  but  with  its  spread  and 
growth  the  lake  was  largely  filled  up.  The  legend  is,  that 
the  emigration  under  Montezuma  was  guided  by  the  pre 
diction  that  the  great  capital  city  of  their  people  would 
be  founded  on  the  spot  where  an  eagle  was  found  seated 
upon  a  thorny  cactus,  grasping  a  serpent  in  his  talons. 
The  wanderers  found  the  eagle  thus  seated,  on  an  island 
in  Lake  Tezcuco,  and  there  they  proceeded  to  realize 
the  prediction  by  founding  the  city  of  Mexico.  Cortes 


54  LIFE   AND   PUBLIC   SERVICES   OF 

found  it  a  great  city,  the  centre  of  a  wonderful  pagan 
civilization.  He  had  the  ambition  to  make  it  a  yet 
greater  Christian  city,  in  his  rough  way,  tearing  down 
temples  only  to  build  more  magnificent  cathedrals. 
But  its  general  topographical  features  remained  un 
changed.  Its  streets  were  not  more  than  four  feet  above 
the  level  of  the  water  in  the  surrounding  lakes.  Moats 
and  marshy  lands,  capable  of  being  overflowed  at  will, 
constituted  its  best  means  of  defence.  Its  only  ap 
proaches  were  over  causeways  built  ages  before,  and 
perfected  as  government  works  in  later  days. 

It  was  into  this  basin  that  Scott's  army  had  de 
scended,  with  the  city  of  Mexico  in  full  view  only  a 
few  miles  distant.  He  had  taken  Coutreras  on  the 
west,  and  San  Antonio  on  the  east,  and  Churubusco 
lay  at  the  junction  of  the  two  highways,  strongly  forti 
fied,  from  which  the  great  causeway  led  straight  on  to 
the  city  of  Mexico.  The  Rio  de  Churubusco  runs  due 
east,  crossing  this  causeway  about  two  miles  north  of 
San  Antonio.  The  banks  of  the  river  had  been  artifi 
cially  elevated  to  prevent  inundation,  and,  like  those  of 
all  Mexican  Avater-courses,  its  sides  were  planted  with 
rows  of  maguey,  affording  a  screen  to  large  numbers 
of  troops,  to  which  the  elevated  banks  offered  partial 
protection.  South  of  the  stream  lay  the  scattered 
houses  of  the  village  of  Churubusco,  one  of  which  was 
a  massive  stone  convent  that  had  been  prepared  for 
defence.  It  was  surrounded  by  a  field-work  having 
embrasures  and  platforms  for  many  cannon,  its  walls 
were  pierced  for  musketry,  its  parapets  and  windows 
all  afforded  good  positions  for  troops,  and  ammunition 


WINFIELD    SCOTT    HANCOCK.  55 

to  any  amount  was  inside  the  buildings.  Three  thou 
sand  Mexican  troops  occupied  this  point. 

Another,  and  more  formidable  work,  was  the  tele  du 
pont  of  Churubusco,  covering  the  bridge  by  which  the 
causeway  of  San  Antonio  led  to  the  city  of  Mexico. 
The  river  was  bridged  where  the  causeway  crossed, 
and  at  the  approach  from  the  south,  this  fortification, 
the  "head  of  the  bridge,"  was  constructed.  It  was 
a  beautiful  field-work,  scientifically  constructed,  with 
wet  ditches,  embrasures  and  platforms  for  a  large  arma 
ment.  On  each  side  of  this  formidable  fortification 
stretched  the  dikes,  or  elevated  banks  of  the  river, 
occupied  by  dense  masses  of  military  which  had  been 
hurried  forward  by  Santa  Anna  from  the  city.  In 
front,  the  ground  was  occupied  by  corn-fields,  with 
straggling  fruit  and  other  trees,  the  corn  at  that  time 
being  six  feet  high,  and  waving  its  green  tassels  most 
invitingly,  but  treacherously.  The  ploughed  ground, 
though  not  miry,  was  heavy,  and  a  network  of  cross- 
ditches  and  dikes  for  irrigating  purposes  obstructed 
the  advance  of  the  attacking  force. 

It  was  against  such  obstacles,  with  an  army  of  twenty- 
five  thousand  men  behind  them,  that  the  little  brigade 
in  which  young  Lieutenant  Hancock  fought  was  led. 
But  it  was  the  key  to  the  whole  position ;  it  lay 
directly  on  the  road  to  the  capital ;  it  must  be  carried. 

The  fugitives  from  San  Antonio  fell  back  in  a  dis 
orderly  retreat  upon  this  position.  General  Worth, 
knowing  that  another  battle  lay  in  front  of  him,  checked 
the  heat  of  the  pursuit,  and  moved  forward  coolly. 
As  they  approached  the  bridge,  the  Mexican  artillery, 


56  LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

which  enfiladed  the  road,  and  then  the  musketry, 
opened  upon  them.  The  action  had  already  begun  on 
the  right  of  the  Mexican  line,  where  our  troops  had 
come  up  from  the  west,  and  a  tremendous  roar  of 
artillery  and  small-arms  was  heard  from  one  end  to 
the  other  of  the  line  of  battle,  extending  more  than  a 
mile. 

The  clay  was  perfectly  clear ;  but  the  smoke,  as  it 
arose  over  the  heads  of  the  combatants,  formed  a  deep 
canopy  that  partially  obscured  the  sun,  and  reflected 
back  the  vivid  flashes  of  the  guns,  as  they  belched  fire 
and  iron  from  the  frowning  fortification  upon  the 
advancing  ranks. 

Then  it  was  that  it  became  the  duty  of  the  Sixth  In 
fantry  to  charge  straight  through  this  hell  of  fire  upon 
the  works  in  front  of  them.  The  rest  of  the  brigade 
was  ordered  to  move  by  the  flank,  parallel  to  the  road 
through  the  fields ;  the  Sixth  was  ordered  directly  up 
the  road  to  storm  the  tete  dupont. 

Lieutenant  Hancock's  company,  Captain  Hoffman  in 
command,  led  this  terrible  charge.  The  Mexicans  in 
the  work,  whose  attention  had  up  to  this  time  been 
directed  to  the  troops  advancing  through  the  corn  on 
either  flank,  seeing  the  gallant  Sixth  making  this  direct 
assault,  turned  all  their  guns  upon  it.  Some  of  the 
men  recoiled  under  the  sweeping  stroke  of  the  artil 
lery;  but  the  officers  rallied  them,  and  with  a  shout 
they  again  rushed  forward.  But  it  was  not  to  be  done. 
The  awful  storm  of  lead  and  iron  that  poured  down  and 
across  that  causeway  permitted  no  living  thing  to  stand 
against  it.  In  the  words  of  a  staff  officer's  report, 


WINFIELD    SCOTT   HANCOCK.  57 

"the  Sixth  Infantry  was  met  by  so  destructive  a  fire, 
ripping  and  cutting  its  ranks  in  pieces,  that  it  was 
forced  to  recoil  and  fall  back ;  which,  however,  was 
done  with  the  coolness  of  a  parade." 

General  Worth,  who  was  with  the  advance  on  the 
flank,  shouted  to  Lieutenant  Hancock's  company  to 
leave  the  deadly  causeway  and  incline  to  the  right  into 
the  corn.  Then,  while  still  under  a  galling  fire,  they 
dashed  past,  at  double-quick,  the  deep,  wet  ditch  that 
surrounded  the  work,  and  carried  it  with  the  bayonet, 
Lieutenant  Hancock,  by  the  side  of  his  captain,  lead 
ing  his  men  into  the  embrasures  and  over  the  walls 
without  the  help  of  ladders.  The  enemy  could  not 
withstand  the  shock,  but  gave  way ;  and  in  a  moment 
more  the  cheers  that  rang  out  gave  notice  to  the  brave 
fellows  fighting  along  down  the  line  that  the  key  to  the 
battle-field  had  been  taken.  A  few  shots  were  ex 
changed,  a  few  bayonets  crossed,  and  the  greater  num 
ber  fled  over  the  bridge  toward  the  city,  leaving  guns, 
standards,  and  prisoners  in  the  hands  of  our  men. 

But  the  battle  was  not  yet  over.  It  had  lasted  two 
hours  from  the  time  it  was  first  opened  by  the  Sixth 
Infantry  to  the  time  when  the  same  regiment,  with 
Hancock's  company  at  its  head,  clambered  into  the  tete 
du  pont.  It  was  another  hour  before  the  last  of  Santa 
Anna's  twenty-five  thousand  men  were  in  flight  toward 
the  city  of  Mexico.  The  capture  of  the  bridge  deter 
mined  the  fate  of  the  battle.  When  the  guns  of  the 
devoted  fortress,  which  up  to  this  time  had  not  slack 
ened  their  fire,  were  turned  upon  the  Mexicans,  a 
white  flag  was  hung  out  from  the  convent  balcony. 


58  LIFE   AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 


The  pursuit  was  continued  for  more  than  half  the 
distance  from  Churubusco  to  the  gates  of  the  city  of 
Mexico,  when  it  was  stopped,  by  order  of  General 

Scott. 

It  was  a  costly  victory.  The  loss  on  our  side,  in 
killed  and  wounded,  was  eleven  hundred,  of  whom 
eighty-four  were  officers.  This  great  disproportion  of 
officers  was  due  to  the  fact  that  they  led,  and  the  men 
followed  them.  In  General  Worth's  report  of  this 
battle,  he  says:  "AVhen  I  recur  to  the  nature  of  the 
ground,  and  the  fact  that  the  division  (twenty-six 
hundred  strong  of  all  arms)  was  engaged  from  two  to 
two  and  a  half  hours  in  a  hand-to-hand  conflict  with 
from  seven  thousand  to  nine  thousand  of  the  enemy, 
having  the  advantage  of  position  and  occupying  regu 
lar  works,  the  mind  is  filled  with  wonder,  and  the  heart 
with  gratitude  to  the  brave  officers  and  soldiers  whose 

o 

steady  and  indomitable  valor  has  aided  in  achieving 
results  so  honorable  to  our  country." 

It  was  at  Churubusco  that  Phil.  Kearney  lost  his 
arm  ;  and  it  was  at  Churubusco  that  Winfield  Scott 
Hancock,  whose  company  led  that  terrible  charge  down 
the  causeway  to  the  bridge,  Avon  his  first  brevet.  The 
order  from  the  War  Department  commissioning  him 
brevet  First  Lieutenant  is  dated  Aug.  20,  1847,  the 
day  of  the  battle  of  Churubusco,  and  states  that  the 
honor  is  conferred  "  for  gallant  and  meritorious  conduct 
at  Contreras  and  Churubusco,"  —  a  formula  which  sig 
nifies  the  highest  cause  for  which  advancement  in  rank 
can  be  conferred. 


WTNTIEU)    SCOTT   HANCOCK.  59 


CHAPTER    HI. 

Molino  del  Rey.  —  Situation  of  Scott's  Army  before  the  City  of 
Mexico. — The  Gates  of  the  City  and  their  Fortifications.  —  Lieu 
tenant  Hancock  again  foremost  in  the  Post  of  Danger.  —  He  leads 
his  Company  against  the  Battery  at  Molino  del  Rey.  —  Eleven  out 
of  fourteen  Officers  killed.  —  Hancock  saved  amid  the  Carnage. 

THE  battle  of  Churubusco  was  one  in  which  the 
determined  bravery  of  the  American  troops  and  the 
skill  of  their  officers  in  any  emergency  were  conspicu 
ously  displayed ;  for  the  Mexicans  fought  bravely 
and  like  true  men,  although  not  even  their  overwhelm 
ingly  large  numbers  availed  them  for  success.  And, 
moreover,  the  battle  was  fought  without  reconnoissance 
or  knowledge  of  the  ground  and  the  obstacles  to  be 
encountered.  Even  the  subordinate  officers  showed 
their  ability  to  comprehend  the  situation  and  take 
quick  and  decisive  action  on  the  spur  of  the  moment, 
demonstrating  not  only  their  impetuous  bravery,  but 
their  coolness  and  skill  in  the  turmoil  of  battle. 

And  yet  another  test  of  the  young  lieutenant's 
quality  was  close  at  hand ;  for  only  four  miles  distant 
was  the  city  of  Mexico,  with  its  outlying  fortifications, 
which  must  be  passed,  and  the  citadel  taken,  before  a 
peace  should  be  conquered. 

The  armistice  to  which  the  combatants  agreed  after 
the  battle  of  Churabusco,  came  to  an  end  without  any 
definite  result  from  the  negotiations  for  peace.  These 


60  LIFE   AND   PUBLIC  SERVICES    OF 

negotiations  came  to  an  end  Sept.  6.  The  United 
States  army  was  then  at  Tacubaya.  It  was  here  that 
Lieutenant  Hancock  wrote  home  to  his  father :  — 

TACUBAYA,  MEXICO,  Aug.  26,  1847. 

MY  DEAR  FATHER: — I  feel  thankful  that  I  am  able  to 
write  }'ou  from  this  place.  We  had  to  fight  desperately  to 
get  here.  It  has  been  the  theatre  of  a  sanguinary  battle.  I 
left  off  my  last  letter  to  engage  in  preparations  for  it. 

Your  affectionate  son, 

"WlNFIELD. 

The  city  of  Mexico,  with  its  two  hundred  thousand 
inhabitants,  lay  close  at  hand.  They  could  almost 
reconnoitre  it  with  their  field-glasses.  On  the  side 
where  the  United  States  army  was  operating  there 
were  four  principal  gates,  each  gate  a  fortress,  and 
each  approached  by  a  grand  causeway.  The  ground 
between  these  causeways  was  low  and  marshy,  and  in 
the  rainy  season,  as  then,  partly  inundated  by  detached 
pools  of  water,  and  impracticable  for  troops.  Several 
cross-roads  passed  from  one  causeway  to  another, 
sometimes  two  or  more  of  these  entering  the  city  at  or 
near  the  same  gate.  These  various  approaches  were 
cut  from  point  to  point,  and  were  defended  by  breast 
works  and  artillery.  In  addition  to  the  batteries 
which  commanded  the  direct  approaches,  other  batter 
ies  were  placed  on  the  flanks  of  these  so  as  to  fire 
across  the  road,  and  at  the  same  time  upon  the  flanks 
and  rear  of  the  first  batteries,  in  case  these  should  be 
carried.  The  walls  of  the  city  were  surrounded  by 
wet  ditches,  of  great  width  and  depth,  intended  for 


WINFIELD    SCOTT   HANCOCK.  61 

the  purpose  of  drainage,  and  others  crossed  and  re- 
crossed  these.  Every  foot  of  the  ground  at  all  ap 
proachable  had  been  taken  possession  of  by  the  Mexicans 
and  fortified  with  breastworks  and  artillery. 

Much  of  this  fortification  had  doubtless  been  done 
by  Santa  Anna  during  the  armistice ;  and  there  have 
always  been  grave  doubts  as  to  the  wisdom  of  the 
policy  pursued  by  General  Scott  in  this  campaign. 
During  his  life,  party  denunciation  was  bitter  indeed  ; 
but  at  this  time  it  is  not  purposed  to  discuss  the  ques 
tion  whether  the  battle  of  Churubusco  was  necessary ; 
whether  Scott  would  not  have  done  better  to  follow 
Kearney  when  he  led  his  troopers  to  the  San  Antonio 
gate  of  the  city  of  Mexico  ;  whether  the  taking  of  the 
Molino  del  Rey  was  a  mistake ;  or  any  other  of  the 
vexed  questions  of  the  Mexican  war.  The  purpose  here 
is  to  sketch  those  events  which  marked  the  career  of 
young  Hancock  in  his  first  campaign;  and  glorious 
events  they  were,  considered  simply  as  exhibitions  oi 
bravery,  skill,  and  force  employed  in  the  service  of  his 
country. 

It  was  while  encamped  at  Tacubaya,  opposite  these 
complicated  and  formidable  fortifications,  that  the 
armistice  was  ended ;  and  at  the  same  time  word  was 
brought  to  General  Scott  that  the  Mexicans  were  mass 
ing  troops  near  one  of  the  four  gates,  that  commanding 
the  causeway  from  Chapultepec,  for  the  purpose  of  pro 
tecting  what  was  supposed  to  be  a  gun  foundry.  This 
supposed  foundry  was  a  range  of  strong  stone  build 
ings,  known  as  the  Molino  del  Eey,  or  King's  Mill, 
about  one  mile  north  of  Tacubaya.  It  formed  the 


62  LITE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

western  side  of  an  enclosure  surrounding  the  rock, 
castle,  groves,  and  fields  of  Chapultepec.  The  guns  of 
the  castle  commanded  the  Molino.  It  was  reported 
that  the  Mexicans  had  found  themselves  short  of  artil 
lery,  owing  to  the  large  captures  of  our  troops,  and 
that  the  church-bells  of  the  city  had  been  sent  to  this 
foundry  for  conversion  into  ordnance.  General  Scott 
decided  that  it  was  necessary  to  destroy  this  factory  of 
arms,  and  at  the  same  time  prepare  the  way  for  the 
taking  of  the  castle  of  Chapultepec. 

As  happened  so  frequently  in  this  campaign,  General 
Worth's  division  was  chosen  to  carry  out  this  dangerous 
and  diificult  operation.  Indeed,  the  command  in  which 
Lieutenant  Hancock  held  a  commission  was  especially 
favored  with  opportunities  for  distinction  in  this  war  ; 
and  the  youth  who,  such  a  short  time  before,  had 
mourned  the  fate  which  seemed  to  forbid  his  taking  an 
active  part  in  the  contest,  found  himself  foremost  in 
the  places  of  danger  and  of  honor. 

General  Worth  received  his  orders  on  the  7th  of 
September.  It  was  to  be  a  night  attack,  or,  rather, 
the  position  was  to  be  taken  under  cover  of  the  dark 
ness  and  the  assault  was  to  be  made  at  daybreak.  At 
three  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  8th  of  September, 
General  Worth's  command  was  in  position  and  the  ball 
was  opened  by  the  artillery.  For  some  time  there  was 
no  response  from  the  castle  of  Chapultepec,  and  the 
crashing  of  the  shot  through  the  masonry  of  the  Molino 
del  Rey  was  the  only  answer.  But  as  the  line  was  ad 
vanced  all  doubts  were  dispelled.  The  location  of  the 
Mexican  battery  had  been  changed  during  the  night, 


WINFIELD    SCOTT   HANCOCK.  63 

and  it  now  opened  heavily  upon  the  flank  of  the  attack 
ing  party  with  round  shot  and  grape,  cutting  down 
officers  and  men  with  fearful  carnage.  The  charge 
was  ordered,  and  the  men,  bringing  down  their  bayo 
nets,  rushed  straight  at  the  battery,  through  the  storm 
of  grape  and  musketry,  driving  the  enemy  from  their 
guns  and  for  the  moment  capturing  the  position  and 
turning  the  guns  upon  their  late  owners.  But  before 
the  guns  could  be  discharged  the  Mexicans  perceived 
that  they  had  been  dislodged  by  a  mere  handful  of 
men,  and  they  returned  to  the  charge,  aided  by  a 
tremendous  fire  of  musketry  from  the  troops  in  and  on 
top  of  the  Molino,  drove  out  our  soldiers  and  bayo 
neted  the  wounded.  It  was  a  frightful  ordeal,  more 
sanguinary  than  even  that  charge  along  the  cause 
way  at  Churubusco.  Out  of  the  fourteen  officers  com 
posing  the  command  of  the  assaulting  force,  eleven 
were  shot  down  by  the  murderous  fire. 

It  so  happened  that  Lieutenant  Hancock  was  in  this 
engagement  in  command  of  his  company,  although  only 
a  second  lieutenant,  Captain  Hoifman  having  been  as 
signed  to  the  command  of  the  Sixth  Infantry  battalion  ; 
and  with  him,  also  lieutenants,  were  Sedgwick  and 
Buckner  and  Rosecrans. 

Decimated  but  not  daunted,  this  gallant  command 
returned  to  the  charge  again  and  again.  It  was  a 
rough  and  fearful  scramble.  One  party  commenced 
tearing  down  the  hacienda  with  no  other  implements 
than  their  muskets ;  others  thrust  their  bayonets  into 
the  crevices  of  the  stone  walls  and  climbed  up  by  them ; 
others  fired  into  apertures  or  climbed  broken  sheds 


64  LIFE   AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

that  offered  a  means  of  access.  Finally  the  southern 
gate  was  dashed  in,  others  followed  it,  and  our  troops 
had  possession  of  the  Molino  del  Rey. 

The  battle,  in  which  the  young  Lieutenant  Hancock 
led  the  van  of  the  assaulting  party,  had  been  won  by 
three  thousand  against  fourteen  thousand :  but  at  a 
terrible  loss.  Of  this  three  thousand,  nearly  one- 
third  were  lost  under  the  devastating  fire  of  the  Mexi 
cans.  Hancock,  while  foremost  in  the  fight,  bore  a 
charmed  life.  The  providence  that  watches  over  the 
fate  of  nations  had  greater  deeds  for  him  to  do,  and 
the  scorching  tests  to  which  he  was  put  in  the  bloody 
conflicts  around  the  Mexican  basin  were  toughening  his 
nerves  and  strengthening  his  soul  for  the  nobler  work 
of  battling  for  the  Union. 


WINFIELD   SCOTT   HANCOCK.  65 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Chapultepec. —  Hancock  describes  his  Feelings  while  confined  to  the 
House  by  Fever. — He  creeps  to  the  Roof  and  cheers  as  his  Company 
take  the  Castle. —  The  Entry  into  the  City  of  Mexico. — Lieutenant 
Hancock's  Letters  Home. —  End  of  the  War. 

THERE  now  remained  the  fortress  of  Chapultepec  to 
be  reduced  before  the  army  marched  upon  the  city  in 
the  path  chosen  by  General  Scott.  This  fortress  stood 
on  a  rocky  and  picturesque  mound  at  the  head  of  one 
of  the  great  causeways  leading  into  the  city,  and  com 
manding  the  road.  The  waters  of  Lake  Tezcuco  in 
ancient  times  washed  its  base,  and  before  the  conquest 
by  Cortes  it  was  a  favorite  resort  of  Montezuma,  who 
had  a  palace  there  and  was  accustomed  to  walk  through 
the  cypress  groves  in  his  hours  of  recreation  and  retire 
ment.  On  one  side,  the  hill  was  inaccessible,  being  a 
sheer  precipice  of  rock.  On  the  other,  it  was  sur 
rounded  by  two  massive  stone  walls,  with  ditches.  A 
handsome  building  crowned  its  summit,  where  was  the 
military  academy  of  the  republic  and  the  citadel  of  the 
fortress.  Half-way  up  the  hill  was  the  Glorieta,  a 
redoubt,  manned  with  guns  and  nearly  four  hundred 
men.  The  assault  was  made  on  the  13th  of  Sep 
tember. 

As  usual,  the  Sixth  Infantry  was  prominent  in  this 
action.  Where  Lieutenant  Hancock  was,  a  letter  from 
him  to  his  brother  tells  : — 


66  LIFE    AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

CITY  OF  MEXICO,  Dec.  6,  1847. 

MY  DEAR  HILARY  : — I  am  again  made  happy  by  the  arrival 
of  three  letters  from  home. 

You  ask  me  if  I  have  been  in  battle?  I  answer,  proudly, 
yes  !  Besides  being  in  several  skirmishes  on  the  road  from 
Puebla  to  Vera  Cruz, — in  all  of  which  I  can  truly  say  I  have 
endeavored  to  do  my  duty, — it  was  my  part  to  participate  in 
the  battles  of  San  Antonio,  Churubusco,  Molino  del  Re}r, 
and  the  conquest  of  the  city  of  Mexico.  I  only  missed  the 
fight  of  Chapultepec  by  being  sick  in  my  tent,  and  off  duty 
at  the  time.  I  shall  always  be  sorry  that  I  was  absent.  I 
was  lying  ill  with  chills  and  fever,  directly  under  the  fort,  at 
the  time  the  action  began.  I  could  not  remain  still  under  the 
firing ;  but,  wrapping  my  blanket  about  me,  I  crept  to  the 
top  of  the  roof  of  the  nearest  house,  watched  the  fight,  and 
had  strength  enough  to  cheer  with  the  boys  when  the  Castle 
fell.  The  balls  whizzed  about  me,  but  I  kept  my  post,  doing 
what  I  could ;  and  when  I  learned  that  the  colors  I  saw 
hoisted  on  the  conquered  walls  were  those  of  my  own  regi 
ment,  my  heart  beat  quick  at  the  glorious  sight. 

The  winter  has  set  in  here,  and  some  chilly  days  are  the 
consequence.  The  summits  of  lofty  Popocatepetl  are  capped 
with  more  snow  than  is  usual  at  this  season.  No  snows,  how 
ever,  are  on  the  plains.  Here  the  roads  are  open  and  many 
of  them  beautiful.  The  Almada,  or  great  square  of  the 
capital,  is  far  superior  to  anything  of  the  kind  in  the  United 
States.  The  carriage  road  on  the  outskirts  is  splendid,  and, 
at  times,  crowded  with  gay  equipages.  It  is  also  a  fashion 
able  resort  for  walks.  Its  age  is  three  centuries. 

Give  my  love  to  father,  mother,  brother  John,  and  all  my 
other  friends. 

WlNFIELD. 

General  Scott,  in  his  official  report,  gives  a  brief  and 


WINFIELD   SCOTT   HANCOCK.  67 

vivid  description  of  the  assault  which  Lieutenant  Han 
cock  saw  from  the  house-top.     He  says  : — 

* '  A  strong  redoubt,  midway,  had  to  be  carried  before 
reaching  the  castle  on  the  heights.  The  advance  of  our  brave 
men,  led  by  brave  officers,  though  necessarily  slow,  was  un 
wavering,  over  rocks,  chasms,  and  mines,  and  under  the  hot 
test  fire  of  cannon  and  musketry.  The  redoubt  now  }~ielded 
to  resistless  valor,  and  the  shouts  that  followed  announced  to 
the  castle  the  fate  that  impended.  The  enemy  were  steadily 
driven  from  shelter  to  shelter.  The  retreat  allowed  not  time 
to  fire  a  single  mine  without  the  certainty  of  blowing  up 
friend  and  foe.  Those  who,  at  a  distance,  attempted  to  apply 
matches  to  the  long  trains,  were  shot  down  by  our  men. 
There  was  death  below  as  well  as  above  the  ground.  At 
length  the  ditch  and  wall  of  the  main  work  were  reached ;  the 
scaling-ladders  were  brought  up  and  planted  by  the  storming 
parties  ;  some  of  the  daring  spirits,  first  in  the  assault,  were 
cast  down,  killed  or  wounded ;  but  a  lodgment  was  soon 
made  ;  streams  of  heroes  followed  ;  all  opposition  was  over 
come,  and  several  of  our  regimental  colors  flung  out  from  the 
upper  walls,  amidst  long-continued  shouts  and  cheers,  which 
sent  dismay  into  the  capital.  No  scene  could  have  been 
more  animating  or  glorious." 

The  great  dependence  of  the  Mexicans  had  been 
placed  upon  Chapultepec,  which  many  had  believed  to 
be  impregnable  ;  and  when  that  fell,  the  city  of  Mexico 
fell  with  it.  There  were  yet  batteries  to  be  taken,  bar 
ricades  to  be  passed,  and  fortified  houses  to  be  cleared 
of  combatants.  But  on  the  night  of  that  day,  Sept. 
13,  1847,  General  Worth's  division  slept  within  the 
city  walls,  and  on  the  14th,  the  grand  entry  of  the 


68  LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

American  army  was  made.  As  General  Scott  says  in 
his  autobiography :  "  Under  a  brilliant  sun,  I  entered 
the  city  at  the  head  of  the  cavalry,  cheered  by  Worth's 
division  of  regulars,  all  the  bands  playing,  in  succes 
sion,  '  Hail  Columbia,'  *  Washington's  March,'  '  Yankee 
Doodle,'  'Hail  to  the  Chief,'"etc."  The  American 
army  had  dwindled  to  six  thousand  by  casualties  and 
disease ;  and  these  troops  entered  the  city  in  the  un 
dress  uniforms  in  which  they  had  marched  so  many 
weary  miles,  and  fought  so  many  desperate  battles. 
To  behold  so  novel  a  spectacle,  the  various  streets 
poured  forth  their  thousands  of  spectators,  and  the 
balconies  and  house-tops  were  filled  with  a  gay  and 
picturesque  throng.  So  dense  was  the  crowd  that  it 
was  frequently  necessary  to  halt  until  the  pressure  was 
removed. 

There  was  no  further  fighting,  except  desultory 
efforts  of  the  mob  and  released  criminals  to  create 
disturbance,  which  were  put  down  by  prompt  measures, 
and  the  army  of  conquest  became  an  army  of  occupa 
tion.  A  treaty  of  peace  was  signed  in  February  of 
th<3  following  year.  Lieutenant  Hancock's  regiment 
remained  with  the  rest,  and  we  find  him  writing  home 
his  impressions  of  a  Mexican  winter  : — 

NEAR  TOLUCA,  Jan.  5,  1848. 

MY  DEAR  FATHER  : —  We  have  another  snow  mountain 
overlooking  us,  the  Neviado.  When  the  wind  blows  from 
that  direction  it  is  bitterly  cold.  But  January  is  the  end  of 
the  Mexican  winter.  The  days  begin  to  grow  warmer  r.3  the 
month  advances,  although  the  nights  continue  chilly.  There 


WINFIELD   SCOTT  HANCOCK.  69 

are  no  fireplaces,  and,  consequently,  no  fires ;  as  we  more 
northern  born  find  to  our  great  discomfort.  The  valley  of 
Toluca  is  most  beautiful,  and  very  fertile.  Like  all  the  other 
Mexican  valleys  I  have  seen,  it  is  perfectly  level,  as  if  it  had 
once  been  the  bottom  of  a  large  lake.  Some  of  these  won 
derful  areas  look  like  the  craters  of  extinct  volcanoes.  In 
the  valley  of  Mexico,  one  of  the  remaining  lakes  is  twenty 
miles  long  and  fifteen  broad.  The  variety  of  fruits  produced 
here  is  astonishing.  On  one  of  the  market  days,  recently, 
over  fifty  different  kinds  were  on  sale.  Think  of  opening  a 
fine,  fresh,  ripe  watermelon  in  the  month  of  January.  Love 
to  all. 

WINFIELD. 

In  the  series  of  battles  which  attended  the  march  of 
Scott's  victorious  army  from  Vera  Cruz  to  the  city  of 
Mexico,  young  Hancock,  then  in  his  twenty-fourth  year, 
had  proved  himself  a  true  soldier.  The  opportunity 
for  which  he  had  longed  had  come  to  him,  and  he  had 
shown  those  strong  and  sterling  traits  of  character  from 
which,  in  later  years,  there  was  to  develop  the  hero 
and  the  statesman.  His  name  was  honorably  mentioned 
in  the  reports,  and  his  gallantry  and  capacity  were 
officially  recognized,  as  before  stated,  by  the  brevet 
"  for  gallant  and  meritorious  conduct  at  Contreras  and 
Churubusco."  The  brevet  commission  he  received  in 
August,  1848,  dating  from  that  hot  day,  one  year 
before,  when  he  led  his  men  against  the  tete  dupontat 
Churubusco.  His  native  State  of  Pennsylvania  also 
acknowledged  his  services  in  a  series  of  resolutions 
adopted  by  the  Legislature,  in  which  his  name,  with 
those  of  other  Pennsylvania  soldiers,  was  mentioned. 


70  LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 


CHAPTER  V. 

Lieutenant  Hancock  Returns  to  the  Department  of  the  West. —  He 
becomes  Regimental  Quartermaster,  and  then  Adjutant. —  His  Mar 
riage  at  St.  Louis. —  Steady  Advancement  in  his  Profession. —  Tho 
Seminole  War.— Brigham  Young's  Declaration  of  Independence.— 
Harue\r?s  March  to  Salt  Lake. —  Hancock  Ordered  to  California. 

LIEUTENANT  HANCOCK  remained  in  Mexico  to  the  very 
end  of  the  war,  saw  the  Mexican  flag  again  raised  on 
the  citadel  after  the  treaty  of  peace  had  been  succeeded 
by  the  evacuation,  and  then  returned  home  with  his 
command. 

Then  there  followed  a  period  of  rest  and  routine 
duties  at  the  western  stations.  Our  western  frontier 
was  rapidly  extending  ;  more  rapidly  since  the  Mexican 
war  had  opened  California  to  our  settlers.  And  Fort 
Crawford  and  Jefferson  Barracks,  where  Lieutenant 
Hancock  passed  the  next  two  years,  were  becoming 
constantly  of  less  account  except  as  depots. 

June  30,  1848,  Lieutenant  Hancock  was  made  Reg 
imental  Quartermaster,  serving  in  that  capacity  until 
Oct.  1,  1849,  when  he  was  made  Adjutant.  He  thus 
acquired  that  practical  experience  of  the  duties  of  the 
several  positions  which  was  required  to  supplement  his 
theoretical  training.  He  had  already  passed  the  test 
of  battle ;  he  was  now  acquiring  the  details  of  man 
agement. 

Here  he  began  to  show  evidences  of  the  remarkable 


WINFIELD   SCOTT   HANCOCK.  71 

administrative  talent  which  afterwards  distinguished 
him,  and  which  marked  him  as  peculiarly  fitted  for 
executive  duties.  General  Clarke,  under  whom  he  had 
served  with  such  gallantry  in  Mexico,  was  in  command 
of  the  Department  of  the  West,  with  headquarters  at 
St.  Louis  ;  and  under  him  Lieutenant  Hancock  served 
for  the  next  six  years,  being  stationed  at  St.  Louis  and 
at  Jefferson  Barracks,  about  twelve  miles  down  the 
river.  We  find  him  constantly  charged  with  new  re 
sponsibilities,  and  steadily  advancing  in  the  line  of  his 
profession.  He  was  promoted  to  a  full  Second  Lieu 
tenancy,  Jan.  27,  1853,  and  took  a  place  on  Gen 
eral  Clarke's  staff.  June  19,  1855,  he  was  appointed 
Assistant  Adjutant-General  of  the  Department  of  the 
West,  and  served  in  that  capacity  until  the  Seminole 
war  broke  out  in  Florida,  when  he  was  sent  to  Fort 
Myers  with  the  rank  of  Captain  and  Assistant  Quar 
termaster. 

It  was  during  his  residence  at  St.  Louis  that  Lieu 
tenant  Hancock,  on  the  24th  of  January,  1850,  married 
Miss  Almira  Russell,  daughter  of  Samuel  Russell,  a 
merchant  of  that  city. 

The  service  of  Captain  Hancock  in  the  Seminole  war 
v.as  confined  to  the  post  of  Fort  Myers,  near  St. 
Augustine,  where  he  did  quartermaster  duty ;  and 
at  the  close  of  that  enterprise,  the  country  having  for 
tunately  no  use  for  its  army  beyond  a  sort  of  police 
duty,  he  was  sent  with  his  regiment  to  Leavenworth, 
Kan.,  to  exert  a  quieting  influence  upon  the  turbulent 
spirits  of  that  era  of  border  ruffianism. 

It  was   at   this   time,    1857,    that   Brigham   Young 


72  LIFE   AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

undertook  to  set  up  an  independent  government  of 
his  own  in  Utah.  The  Mormons,  under  his  able  lead 
ership,  had  conquered  for  themselves  a  home  in  the 
midst  of  natural  difficulties  of  the  harshest  sort ;  had 
secured  a  foothold  in  the  centre  of  the  continent ;  and, 
if  allowed  autonomy,  they  would,  in  years  to  come, 
have  in  their  hands  the  key  to  all  trans-continental 
transportation  and  travel.  This  was  evidently  the 
dream  of  the  far-seeing  and  hard-headed  prophet  who 
had  led  this  people  out  from  a  land  of  persecution  and 
established  a  theocracy  in  the  wilderness.  As  Floyd, 
then  Secretary  of  War,  stated  the  situation  in  his  re 
port  to  the  Thirty-fifth  Congress  :  "  From  the  time 
their  numbers  reached  a  point  sufficient  to  constitute  a 
community  capable  of  any  thing  like  independent  action, 
this  people  have  claimed  to  detach  themselves  from  the 
binding  obligations  of  the  laws  which  governed  the  com 
munities  where  they  chanced  to  live.  They  have  substi 
tuted  for  the  laws  of  the  land  a  theocracy,  having  for 
its  head  an  individual  whom  they  profess  to  believe  a 
prophet  of  God.  This  prophet  demands  obedience  and 
receives  it  implicitly  from  his  people,  in  virtue  of  what 
he  assures  them  to  be  authority  derived  from  revela 
tions  received  by  him  from  Heaven.  When  he  finds  it 
convenient  to  exercise  any  special  command,  these 
opportune  revelations  of  a  higher  law  come  to  his  aid. 
From  his  decrees  there  is  no  appeal ;  against  his  will 
there  is  no  resistance." 

Just  at  this  time  the  people  of  the  United  States  had 
become  thoroughly  aroused  at  the  manner  in  which  the 
Mormon  prophet  was  exercising  his  power.  In  order 
to  prevent  the  encroachment  of  "  Gentiles "  upon  his 


WINFIELD  SCOTT  HANCOCK.  73 

Promised  Land,  ho  had  even  resorted  to  massacre,  either 
by  his  own  men  or  through  his  Indian  allies  ;  he  had 
refused  to  yield  to  the  authority  of  the  Federal  govern 
ment  in  matters  over  which  it  had  control ;  and,  in 
short,  he  had  set  up  as  a  sovereign  monarch  in  the  path 
of  our  emigration  across  the  continent,  to  obstruct  or 
to  favor,  as  it  might  please  his  mightiness. 

Under  these  circumstances,  President  Buchanan  re 
solved  to  exercise  the  authority  given  him  by  the  Con 
stitution  and  the  laws,  and  remove  from  the  govern 
ment  of  the  Territory  of  Utah  an  official  who 
combined  in  so  dangerous  a  manner  the  monarchical 
and  civil  authority.  He  appointed  Mr.  Cummings  to 
be  governor  of  Utah,  in  Brigham  Young's  place  ;  and 
on  the  latter's  refusal  to  retire,  he  sent  out  a  sufficient 
force  under  General  Harney  to  compel  the  prophet's 
acquiescence.  Captain  Hancock  was  in  the  command 
assigned  to  this  expedition. 

Although  the  attempted  secession  of  Brigham  Young 
was  something  like  a  tempest  in  a  tea-pot,  when  con 
sidered  in  comparison  with  the  greater  movement  we 
have  since  seen,  it  was  not  then  to  be  lightly  treated. 
The  prophet's  proclamation,  as  governor  of  Utah,  was 
really  a  declaration  of  war  against  the  United  States. 
It  opened  thus :  "  We  are  invaded  by  a  hostile  force 
who  are  evidently  assailing  us  to  accomplish  our  over 
throw  and  destruction.  For  twenty-five  years  we  have 
trusted  officials  of  the  government  only  to  be  insulted 
and  betrayed.  Our  houses  have  been  plundered,  and 
then  burned  ;  our  fields  laid  waste  ;  our  principal  men 
butchered  while  under  the  pledged  faith  of  the  govern 
ment  for  their  safety;  and  our  families  driven  from 


74  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC   SERVICES   OF 

their  homes  to  find  that  shelter  in  the  barren  wilderness 
and  that  protection  among  hostile  savages  which  were 
denied  them  in  the  boasted  abodes  of  Christianity  and 
civilization."  Then  he  goes  on  to  declare  martial  law, 
and  to  call  upon  the  people  to  "  stand  in  their  own 
defence." 

It  was,  indeed,  a  very  pretty  little  rebellion,  as  far 
as  it  got ;  and  it  was  only  by  good  management  on  the 
part  of  the  officers  of  the  Harney  expedition  that  it 
did  not  go  much  further.  Here,  for  instance,  is  a 
sample  of  the  orders  under  which  the  Mormon  militia 
and  guerillas  fought.  It  is  an  order  issued  by  one  of 
the  "  apostles  "  in  the  Mormon  hierarchy  : — 

HEADQUARTERS  EASTERN  EXPEDITION,  ) 
Oct.  4,  1857.      j 
To  MAJOR  JOSEPH  TAYLOR  : 

You  will  proceed  with  all  possible  despatch  to  the  Oregon 
road,  near  the  bend  of  Bear  Biver.  When  you  approach  the 
road,  send  scouts  ahead  to  ascertain  if  the  invading  troops 
have  passed  that  way.  Should  they  have  passed,  take  a 
concealed  route  and  get  ahead  of  them.  On  ascertaining  the 
locality  or  route  of  the  troops,  proceed  at  once  to  annoy 
them  in  every  possible  way.  Use  every  exertion  to  stampede 
their  animals,  and  set  fire  to  their  trains.  Burn  the  whole 
country  before  them  and  on  their  flanks.  Keep  them  from 
sleeping  at  night  by  surprises  ;  blockade  the  road  by  felling 
trees  or  destroying  river-fords ;  watch  for  opportunities  to 
set  fire  to  the  grass  on  their  windward,  so  as,  if  possible,  to 
envelope  their  trains.  Leave  no  grass  before  them  that  can 
be  burned.  Take  no  life,  but  annoy  them  and  destroy  their 
trains. 

God  bless  you  and  give  you  success. 

Your  brother  in  Christ,  DANIEL  U.  WELLS. 


TVTNTIELD   SCOTT  HANCOCK.  75 

Through  this  region  of  fanatical  guerillas  and  into 
the  heart  of  hostile  Mormondom  the  accidents  of  the 
service  took  Captain  Hancock.  When  the  mission  of 
General  Harney  was  concluded,  and  Brigham  Young 
was  reduced  to  at  least  apparent  acquiescence  in  the 
inevitable,  Captain  Hancock's  command  was  ordered  to 
the  Pacific  coast.  Straight  across  the  continent,  in  the 
days  when  the  slow-moving  ox-team  marked  the  rate 
of  the  traveller's  progress,  instead  of  the  lightning- 
express  train,  he  led  his  company  from  Fort  Bridger 
in  Utah  to  Benicia  in  California,  under  the  shadow  of 
Monte  Diablo.  It  took  his  command  three  months  to 
make  the  journey.  Thence  he  was  transferred  to  Los 
Angeles,  having  been  made  Chief  Quartermaster  of  the 
Southern  District  of  California. 

It  was  here  that  the  outbreak  of  the  war  of  the 
Rebellion  found  Winfield  Scott  Hancock.  He  was 
ready  for  his  country's  use.  The  patriotic  soul,  the 
native  ability,  the  hard-earned  experience  were  all 
there  ;  and  the  opportunity  had  come.  It  was  for  this 
service  that  his  parents  had  trained  him  to  honor  and 
self-reliance  in  his  Pennsylvania  home ;  that  he  had 
been  tried  in  the  hottest  furnace  of  war  in  Mexico ; 
and  that  for  years  he  had  been  studying  the  work  of 
practical  army  administration  in  comparative  quiet. 
The  providence  which  directs  the  affairs  of  men  had 
prepared  in  Winfield  Scott  Hancock  a  heroic  servant 
of  the  people  against  their  time  of  need.  That  timo 
had  now  come. 


WINFIELD  SCOTT  HANCOCK 


IP.A.  IR,  T     XII. 


THE     P ATEIOT 


CHAPTER  I. 

The  Fire  upon  Sumter.  —  How  the  News  was  received  in  California. 
—  Captain  Hancock's  Efforts  to  keep  the  State  in  the  Union.  —  Ho 
at  once  asks  to  bo  ordered  into  Active  Service.  — Is  commissioned 
Brigadier-General  of  Volunteers.  —  The  Army  of  the  Potomac. 

THE  echoes  of  the  cannon-shot  fired  that  Friday 
morning  in  April,  1861,  against  the  walls  of  Fort 
Sumter,  were  heard  across  the  continent.  They  were 
heard  with  differing  sentiments  among  the  people  of 
California.  Southern  California,  in  which  Los  Ange 
les  is  situated,  most  certainly  did  not  hear  these  sounds 
of  actual  rebellion  with  entire  disapprobation.  For  dis 
union  ideas  had  propagated  quite  across  the  land,  and 
on  the  Pacific,  as  well  as  on  the  Gulf,  there  were  those 
who  looked  longingly  for  a  Southern  Confederacy ;  for 
the  disruption  of  the  Union  ;  for  the  substitution  of  the 
stars  and  bars  for  the  stars  and  stripes. 

It  was  quite  natural  that  this  sentiment  should  exist 
in  California.  That  State  was  separated  from  the  rest 
of  the  Union  by  the  distance  of  half  a  continent.  The 
means  of  communication  were  poor  and  laborious.  No 
Pacific  Railroad  put  its  iron  bands  across  the  land  and 
anchored  the  West  to  the  East ;  but  we  were  almost  as 
two  peoples,  one  in  name  but  divided  in  sympathy. 

In  Southern  California  disunion  sentiment  was  espe 
cially  rampant.  It  was  not  comfortable  for  a  man  to 
be  known  as  a  Unionist  there.  That  section  was  ready 


80  LIFE   AND   PUBLIC   SERVICES   OF 

to   drop  out  and  join  the  Confederacy,  even   if  the 
northern  part  of  the  State  should  stay  in  the  Union. 

And  here  it  was  that  Captain  Hancock  was  stationed, 
entrusted  with  a  vast  amount  of  government  stores 
and  material,  in  his  capacity  of  District  Quartermaster, 
in  the  midst  of  disunion  purposes.  There  was  nothing 
covert  about  the  expressions  of  sympathy  with  the 
South  and  hostility  toward  the  North  with  which  he  was 
surrounded.  Much  of  the  population  of  California 
came  from  the  South,  and  its  ideas  were  largely  South 
ern.  These  ideas  were  proclaimed  without  restraint 
and  without  fear.  Popular  outbreaks  were  seriously 
threatened  against  the  authorities  which  retained  their 
allegiance  to  the  Union.  The  situation  in  California 
was,  indeed,  even  more  critical  than  in  many  of  the 
border  States  whose  loyalty  was  most  questionable. 
The  danger  was,  that  all  that  immense  country,  whose 
richness  was  just  developing,  would  be  carried  away  as 
one  of  the  brightest  trophies  of  the  Confederacy. 

The  position  which  Captain  Hancock  occupied  at 
this  moment  was  a  most  trying  one.  In  case  of  an 
outbreak,  or  the  success  of  the  secession  movement  in 
California,  his  department  would  be  the  first  to  suffer, 
as  the  supplies  under  his  control  offered  a  tempting 
prize.  On  the  other  hand,  should  he  weaken  in  his 
loyalty  to  the  Union,  and  give  even  tacit  encourage 
ment  to  the  rebellious  spirit  about  him,  he  would  find 
himself  on  the  top  wave  of  popularity,  and  at  once  a 
hero  of  the  people. 

In  this  crisis  the  intrinsic  character  of  the  man  dis 
played  itself.  He  declared  himself  without  hesitation. 


WINFIELD   SCOTT   HANCOCK.  81 

He  threw  his  personal  influence,  which  was  great, 
against  the  rapidly  developing  secession  sentiment ; 
and  in  his  official  position  he  was  unyielding.  To 
emphasize  his  earnestness  in  the  matter,  he  at  once 
applied  to  the  governor  of  Pennsylvania,  his  native 
State,  for  a  command  in  the  volunteers  then  being 
raised  for  service  ;  and  while  awaiting  an  answer  to  his 
application  he  devoted  himself  to  encouraging  and 
spreading  Union  sentiments  in  California.  By  public 
speeches  and  by  loyal  example  the  young  patriot 
labored  in  the  midst  of  an  unfriendly  community,  per 
forming  services  that  were  of  the  greatest  value  in 
retaining  California  in  its  place  in  the  Union.  His 
course  met  the  approval  of  the  government  and  of  the 
loyal  people  of  the  whole  country. 

In  his  course  at  this  time,  Captain  Hancock  was  true 
to  the  traditions  of  his  family  and  to  the  teachings  of 
his  youth.  He  displayed  the  qualities  of  high  honor, 
of  strict  conscientiousness,  and  of  inflexible  devotion 
to  duty  which  marked  his  conduct  from  his  very  boy 
hood  days,  and  which  later  developed  so  grandly  in  a 
wider  field. 

In  the  flurry  and  demoralization  of  the  opening  days 
of  the  war  for  the  Union,  Captain  Hancock's  request 
for  a  command  in  the  Pennsylvania  volunteers  lay  for 
some  time  unanswered.  But  his  was  not  a  spirit  to 
brook  inaction.  With  North  and  South  simultaneously 
rising  to  arms,  his  impulse  urged  him  irresistibly  to 
share  the  conflict.  With  the  government  to  which  he 
had  sworn  allegiance  in  danger,  his  sword  could  not 
rest  undrawn  in  its  defence. 


82  LIFE   AND   PUBLIC   SERVICES   OP 

Burning  to  serve  his  country  in  the  field,  Captain 
Hancock  then  applied  to  the  Department  at  Washing 
ton  to  be  ordered  East  for  active  service.  It  was  a 
characteristic  course  for  the  young  officer  to  take  ;  and 
it  proved  a  most  fortunate  step  in  his  career.  Regular 
army  officers  of  undoubted  and  pronounced  loyalty 
were  in  demand  at  that  time,  for  the  organization  of  the 
army  of  volunteers  collecting  in  the  several  States. 
There  was  no  mistaking  the  quality  of  Captain  Plan- 
cock's  metal ;  and  General  Scott,  who  had  personal 
knowledge  of  his  impetuous  gallantry,  and  his  real 
soldierly  ability  while  serving  in  the  sharp  and  hot 
Mexican  war,  at  once  ordered  him  East  in  accordance 
with  his  request. 

The  order  for  his  transfer  came  Aug.  3,  1861,  and 
Captain  Hancock  at  once  turned  over  the  Quartermas 
ter's  Department  to  his  successor,  and  started  for  the 
East,  reaching  New  York  in  September.  Without 
stopping  for  a  moment,  even  to  visit  his  parents  at 
Norristown,  although  he  had  then  been  absent  from 
them  for  more  than  two  years,  he  pushed  straight  on 
to  Washington,  and  reported  to  the  War  Department 
for  active  service. 

At  this  time  Captain  Hancock  was  thirty-eight  years 
of  age.  He  had  served  with  distinction  in  the  war  with 
Mexico  and  in  the  everglades  of  Florida.  He  had 
patiently  performed  the  routine  duties  of  the  frontier 
posts  at  the  West.  He  had  studied  the  situation  be 
tween  the  Union  and  the  seceding  States,  and  had 
definitely  made  up  his  mind  as  to  which  side  called  him 
as  a  true  servant  of  his  country.  Although  never  a 


WINTIELD    SCOTT    HANCOCK.  83 

politician,  he  was  a  stanch  Democrat  by  conviction, 
earnest  in  his  support  of  constitutional  government, 
and  in  every  sense  a  patriot. 

Captain  Hancock's  eagerness  for  active  employment, 
the  unmistakable  loyalty  of  his  purpose,  his  brilliant 
services  as  a  lieutenant,  and  his  soldierly  bearing  when 
he  reported  for  duty  at  Washington,  brought  him  prom 
inently  to  the  notice  of  President  Lincoln,  and  he  was 
at  once  assigned  to  the  post  of  Chief  Quartermaster  on 
the  staff  of  Gen.  Robert  Anderson,  the  hero  of  Fort 
Sumter,  who  had  been  placed  in  command  of  the  volun 
teer  force  which  he  was  raising  in  the  State  of  Ken 
tucky.  But  fortune  placed  him  elsewhere.  General 
McClellan,  a  fellow-cadet  of  Hancock,  who  also  had 
won  his  first  brevet  in  the  same  battles  of  Contreras 
and  Churubusco,  had,  in  July  previous,  come  into  com 
mand  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  McClellan  knew 
the  sort  of  men  that  he  needed,  and  he  knew  that 
Captain  Hancock  was  one  of  them.  He  at  once  made 
formal  application  for  the  commission  of  Hancock  as 
Brigadier-General  of  Volunteers,  and  his  assignment 
to  service  in  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  This  applica 
tion  was  made  unexpectedly  to  Captain  Hancock,  and 
without  any  solicitation  on  the  part  of  his  friends. 
And  thus  he  was  placed  with  the  army  to  whose  achieve 
ments  he  was  to  add  so  much  glory,  and  where  he  was 
to  make  the  world-wide  reputation  which  now  belongs 
to  him,  as  one  of  the  greatest  generals  of  the  age. 

The  commission  of  General  Hancock  was  dated  Sept. 
23,  1861,  and  he  was  assigned  to  the  division  of  the 


84  LIFE   AND   PUBLIC   SERVICES   OP 

Army  of  the  Potomac  commanded  by  Gen.  "Baldy" 
Smith,  lying  across  the  chain  bridge  near  Lewinsville. 
Until  March,  1862,  General  Hancock  was  engaged  in 
the  defences  of  Washington.  After  that  time  he  was 
in  the  field.  His  career  as  a  patriot  soldier  was  begun. 


WINFIELD   SCOTT  HANCOCK.  85 


CHAPTER  H. 

Tbo  Peninsular  Campaign. —  Siege  and  Capture  of  Yorktown. —  Pur 
suit  of  the  Confederates. —  The  Battle  of  Williamsburg.—  Hooker 
Repulsed  at  Fort  Magruder. —  Hancock  Turns  the  Enemy's  Flank 
and  Saves  the  Day. —  The  Charge  Down  the  Hill. —  u  Hancock  was 
Superb." 

IN  the  latter  part  of  March,  1862,  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac,  which  McClellan  had  collected  and  organized 
at  Washington,  was  transported  to  Fortress  Monroe, 
and  there  began  the  great  Peninsular  Campaign,  which 
commenced  with  Yorktown  and  ended  with  the  terrible 
seven  days'  conflict  before  Richmond.  This  so-called 
Peninsula  was  the  tract  of  land,  low  and  often  marshy, 
lying  between  the  York  and  James  rivers.  Yorktown 
lay  about  twenty  miles  from  Fortress  Monroe ;  Rich 
mond  about  seventy-five  miles  in  a  straight  line. 
McClellan's  army  of  over  one  hundred  thousand  men, 
with  animals,  batteries,  wagons,  and  all  the  enormous 
equipage  required  for  such  a  host,  was  transported  from 
Alexandria  to  Fortress  Monroe,  with  what  a  European 
critic  has  called  "the  stride  of  a  giant,"  and  with  the 
loss  of  only  eight  mules  and  nine  barges,  and  the  cam 
paign  was  begun  in  which  Hancock  held  his  first  gen 
eral  command. 

General  Hancock's  brigade  consisted  of  four  fine 
regiments,  the  Fifth  Wisconsin,  the  Sixth  Maine,  the 


86  LIFE   ANT>   PUBLIC   SERVICES    OF 

Forty-ninth  Pennsylvania,  and  the  Forty-third  New 
York.  They  were  well  officered  and  well  drilled ;  and 
under  Hancock's  training  they  soon  acquired  the  steadi 
ness  and  nerve  of  veterans.  Even  before  he  led  them 
into  an  engagement,  he  felt  and  knew  that  they  could 
be  depended  upon  in  any  emergency.  Nor  did  they 
forfeit  his  confidence.  He  little  knew  what  these  regi 
ments  were  to  do  for  him.  His  purpose  and  aim  in 
their  drill  and  tuition  were  to  create  an  arm  for  effective 
service  in  the  cause  of  his  country.  But  it  was  good 
material  with  which  to  work,  and  he  fashioned  an 
instrument  that  was  to  make  his  name  immortal. 

As  soon  as  Smith's  division  landed  at  Hampton,  it 
was  sent  to  lead  the  advance  on  the  left  of  the  York- 
town  lines,  where  McClellan  thought  he  had  discovered 
a  weak  spot,  near  Lee's  Mill.  This  was  a  dam  covered 
by  a  battery.  Here  four  companies  of  the  Vermont 
troops  crossed  the  creek,  wading  breast-deep  under  a 
heavy  tire  from  eighteen  guns,  and  carried  the  Con 
federate  rifle-trenches.  Failing  to  receive  reinforce- 

O 

ments,  they  were  obliged  to  retire. 

In  the  meantime  the  army  had  been  feeling  its  way 
through  the  woods,  and  Hancock's  brigade  was  sent  to 
the  right,  making  a  reconnoissance  in  force  and  develop 
ing  the  enemy's  lines  in  a  direction  where  the  Union 
line  was  not  yet  complete.  The  result  of  this  recon 
noissance,  when  the  attempt  to  break  the  enemy's  line 
on  the  left  had  failed,  was  to  determine  General 
McClellan  upon  taking  Yorktown  by  siege ;  and  from 
the  7th  of  April  until  the  evacuation  of  Yorktown,  May 
3,  Hancock  and  his  brigade  were  constantly  on  duty 


TVTNFIELD    SCOTT   HANCOCK.  87 

in  the  trenches  or  skirmishing  with  the  Confederate 
pickets. 

When,  on  the  morning  of  May  4,  after  heavy  can 
nonading  by  the  Union  batteries,  it  was  found  that  the 
Confederate  works  were  deserted,  there  began  a  race 
along  the  roads  leading  to  Richmond,  after  the  flying 
enemy.  They  caught  up  with  them  at  Williamsburg, 
where  the  rebels  had  built  another  line  of  fortifications, 
extending  almost  entirely  across  the  Peninsula  from 
river  to  river.  Rain  came  on  and  rendered  the  roads 
almost  impassable.  General  Hooker  took  up  position 
on  the  left  and  made  an  ineffectual  attempt  to  capture 
Fort  Magmder  at  that  end  of  the  line.  He  was  forced 
to  withdraw,  with  the  loss  of  seventeen  hundred  men. 

Now  came  the  first  opportunity  for  Hancock  to  dis 
play  those  qualities  of  generalship  which  he  possessed, 
and  to  leap  at  once  to  fame  as  a  patriot  soldier.  All 
before  this  had  been  skirmishing.  He  was  now  to  do 
a  deed  of  war. 

Smith's  division,  occupying  a  position  on  the  right  of 
our  line,  had  not  engaged  the  enemy.  But,  towards 
noon  of  May  5,  General  Hancock  obtained  permission 
to  reconnoitre  the  Confederate  left.  Taking  two  addi 
tional  regiments  and  two  light  batteries,  he  moved  a 
mile  or  more  to  the  right,  carefully  feeling  the  strength 
of  the  enemy.  Coming  to  an  opening  in  the  woods, 
he  saw  before  him  a  deep  ravine  with  a  dam  across  it, 
and  on  the  opposite  bluff  a  rebel  fortification,  the 
extreme  left  of  the  line  of  works.  A  glance  was 
enough  to  show  that  it  was  not  strongly  manned.  The 
word  was  given,  the  troops  poured  across  the  old  mill 


88  LIFE   AND   PUBLIC   SERVICES    OF 

bridge  and  dam,  swarmed  up  the  bluff  and  captured 
the  redoubt.  With  equal  expedition  a  road  was  made 
for  the  artillery,  which  was  speedily  dragged  across. 
Twelve  hundred  yards  in  advance  was  another  re 
doubt,  which  was  taken  in  the  same  manner. 

It  Avas  a  masterly  stroke,  and  one  which  proved  of 
the  first  importance  in  the  battle  of  Williamsburg. 
By  one  quick  movement,  Hancock  had  turned  the 
enemy's  flank  and  debouched  upon  his  rear ;  and  un 
less  he  could  be  stopped  and  driven  back,  the  whole 
Confederate  line  would  be  untenable. 

When  Hancock  formed  his  brigade  in  line  of  battle 
within  the  enemy's  fortifications  on  the  crest  of  the  hill 
which  he  had  seized,  and  brought  up  his  artillery,  he 
found  there  were  two  more  redoubts  between  him  and 
Fort  Magruderand  directed  his  fire  upon  these.  Send 
ing  his  two  batteries  to  the  front,  lie  began  an  artillery 
duel.  But  the  situation  was  a  dangerous  one.  Han 
cock's  little  command  was  shut  off  by  a  deep  and 
almost  impassable  ravine  from  the  rest  of  the  troops, 
while  in  front  was  the  whole  rebel  army,  an  overwhelm 
ing  force.  He  sent  for  reinforcements,  but  none  came. 
On  the  contrary,  he  received  orders  to  retire.  But 
Hancock,  realizing  the  commanding  importance  of  the 
position  he  had  taken,  delayed  as  long  as  possible  exe 
cuting  the  order  from  General  Simmer.  He  knew  that, 
with  adequate  support,  the  Confederate  army  was  at  our 
mercy. 

It  was  not  until  five  o'clock  that  he  gave  the  com 
mand  to  fall  back.  Then,  the  rebel  General  Johnston 
had  finished  with  Hooker  at  Fort  Magruder,  and  was 


WINFIELD  SCOTT  HAXCOCK.  89 

making  preparations  to  avert  the  danger  on  his  left 
flank  by  overwhelming  Hancock's  audacious  advance. 
Hancock  saw  that  the  Confederates  were  in  motion  on 
his  front,  and  that  they  had  reoccupied  the  two  redoubts 
from  which  they  had  last  been  driven  ;  but  hardly  had 
he  called  back  his  batteries  from  their  advanced  position, 
when,  with  a  tremendous  cheer,  Early's  troops  poured 
out  of  the  woods  on  his  right,  and  formed  in  two 
splendid  lines  of  battle,  advancing  rapidly. 

This  was,  perhaps,  the  most  critical  point  of  Han 
cock's  military  career.  He  had  ventured  all  on  this,  his 
first  really  important  separate  movement  in  the  cam 
paign.  He  had  led  his  brigade  into  a  position  where 
it  was  confronted  by  a  vastly  larger  force,  with  the 
road  of  retreat  cut  off.  Retreat,  indeed,  could  mean 
nothing  but  rout,  overthrow  and  capture ;  and  with 
this,  a  shock  to  his  rising  reputation  from  which  it  might 
never  recover.  On  the  other  hand,  victory  against 
such  odds  meant  immediate  fame. 

If  he  could  trust  his  men,  he  might  yet  win.  He 
could  trust  them.  More  than  that,  they  could  trust 
their  commander.  They  stood  firm. 

Hancock  formed  his  line,  as  Early's  troops  marched 
on  with  shouts.  He  had  about  sixteen  hundred  men. 
His  two  batteries  played  upon  the  advancing  Con 
federates,  but  without  checking  their  onset.  Forward 
they  came,  regardless  of  shell,  and  hardly  stopping 
for  canister,  swept  around  and  almost  enveloped  the 
artillery,  which  turned  quickly,  rattled  up  the  hill,  and 
went  into  battery  again  upon  the  slope.  Backward  the 
brigade  retreated  slowly,  firing  steadily  as  if  at  practice- 


90  LITE   AND   PUBLIC   SERVICES    OF 

drill.  Now  the  impetuous  charge  conies  nearer,  and 
the  taunting  shouts  of  Early 's  men  are  heard  above  the 
crack  of  the  rifles :  "  Bull  Run  !  Bull  Run  !  That  flag 
is  ours ! " 

Hancock  had  been  sitting  on  his  horse  close  behind 
the  centre  of  the  line,  watching  with  impenetrable  face 
the  phases  of  the  action.  What  he  thought  at  this 
supreme  moment,  no  one  can  tell.  What  he  did  the 
world  knows. 

The  yelling  Confederates,  in  double  line,  were  swarm 
ing  up  the  slope  of  the  hill  on  which  his  little  brigade 
was  drawn  up.  The  flush  of  anticipated  victory  was 
upon  every  face  of  that  advancing  multitude  ;  the  tone 
of  victory  was  heard  in  every  voice.  They  were  within 
thirty  yards  when  Hancock,  waving  his  hat  in  his  hand, 
dashed  forward  in  front  of  his  men,  and  shouting, 
"  Gentlemen  !  charge  !  "  led  the  advance,  bare-headed, 
down  the  hill  and  upon  the  enemy. 

It  seemed  madness  to  attempt  to  turn  back  the  mass 
that  was  sweeping  up  the  hill.  There  it  was,  surging 
upward,  vast,  irregular,  apparently  irresistible,  so  near 
at  hand  that  the  men  on  either  side  could  see  the 
features  of  their  opponents.  But  Hancock  knew  his 
own  power  and  the  power  of  his  men.  It  was  not  a 
mad  venture  ;  it  was  a  triumph  of  personal  courage,  and 
of  that  military  genius  which  divines  by  instinct  when 
safety  lies  in  rashness. 

Hancock  risked  his  own  life  and  the  lives  of  his  men  ; 
and  he  won  the  day.  At  one  instant  the  bristling  and 
grisly  line  of  the  Confederate  charge  was  in  front  of 
the  brigade ;  the  next  there  flashed  between  them  and 


WINTIELD   SCOTT  HANCOCK.  91 

the  line  this  vision  of  valor  incarnate  ;  and  with  a  shout 
that  drowned  the  crackling  of  musketry  his  men 
followed  where  Hancock  led.  With  lowered  bayonets, 
and  with  line  as  perfect  as  if  on  parade,  the  brigade 
advanced. 

The  rebel  line  faltered,  stopped,  turned  with  a  com 
mon  impulse  and  slowly  retreated  down  the  hill  before 
this  gallant  onslaught.  They  were  not  cowards  ;  they 
only  lacked  the  inspiration  of  such  a  leader  as  Hancock. 
They  were,  indeed,  brave  men.  This  was  one  of  the 
few  occasions  during  the  war  where  bayonet-wounds 
were  received  in  an  actual  charge  of  infantry.  It  is  in 
official  evidence  that  Hancock's  men  were  obliged  to 
bayonet  the  foremost  of  their  assailants  before  the  line 
broke. 

Down  the  hill  they  went,  the  martial  figure  of  Hancock 
on  his  horse  marking  the  point  where  the  hostile  forces 
were  joined  in  combat.  They  fought  well  and  des 
perately,  leaving  five  hundred  corpses  on  that  hillside. 
Others  held  up  white  handkerchiefs  and  surrendered. 
Of  Hancock's  little  brigade,  one  hundred  and  twenty- 
nine  were  killed. 

Then  it  was  that  reinforcements  were  sent  to  Han 
cock.  General  McClellan,  arriving  at  the  front,  ap 
preciated  the  value  of  the  position  taken  by  Hancock, 
and  immediately  ordered  that  he  should  receive  the 
support  he  had  asked  for. 

By  this  time  it  was  night.  The  firing  in  front  of 
Fort  Magruder  had  ceased,  and  the  troops,  wet,  tired, 
and  hungry,  slept  on  their  arms  in  the  mud.  But  Wil- 
lianisburg  was  won.  Hancock,  in  his  first  engagement 


92  LIFE   AND   PUBLIC   SERVICES   OF 

as  a  general  commander,  had  by  one  bold  and  masterly 
movement  seized  the  key  of  the  position  ;  by  his  fiery 
personal  valor  he  had  snatched  victory  out  of  the  jaws 
of  defeat,  and  had  turned  disaster  into  glorious  success. 

Leaving  the  ground  covered  with  their  dead  and 
wounded,  the  Confederates  hastened  away  under  cover 
of  the  night  to  join  the  rest  of  Johnston's  army,  now 
marching  rapidly  towards  the  Chickahominy.  Hancock 
had  made  Williamsburg  untenable. 

This  was  Hancock's  first  glory ;  and  it  was  a  sub 
stantial  one.  In  that  single  day  he  rose  from  an 
obscure  subordinate  officer  to  a  general  whose  name 
and  whose  praises  were  heralded  from  Maine  to  Cali 
fornia.  His  opportunity  had  come,  and  he  had  seized 
it.  He  had  won  a  national  reputation. 

Few  of  the  generals  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac, 
if  any,  would  have  taken  the  chances  which  Hancock 
took  when  he  moved  his  little  brigade  across  the  ravine 
to  flank  the  whole  rebel  army.  But  it  was  not  reck 
lessness  which  led  him  to  take  this  chance.  It  was  the 
ready  judgment  of  the  trained  leader  which  gave  him 
that  prescient  knowledge  which  passes  for  good  for 
tune.  Hancock  knew  what  he  could  expect  from  his 
men,  and  he  had  confidence  in  himself.  He  was  not 
disappointed,  nor  did  he  disappoint  the  country  whose 
anxious  attention  was  then  centred  upon  the  advance 
of  the  army  of  the  Potomac  up  the  Peninsula. 

In  his  telegraphed  report  of  this  battle,  made  to 
President  Lincoln,  General  McClellan  said  :  "  Hancock 
was  superb."  All  who  saw  his  tall  figure  dashing  down 
the  hill,  leading  his  troops  against  the  advancing  army 


WINFIELD    SCOTT   HANCOCK.  93 

of  Early  and  Longstreet,  acknowledge  the  accuracy  of 
this  description.  In  his  more  detailed  and  formal  ac 
count  of  the  battle,  McClellan  says  :  "Before  Generals 
Smith  and  Nagle  could  reach  the  field  of  General 
Hancock's  operations,  although  they  moved  with  great 
rapidity,  he  had  been  confronted  by  a  superior  force. 
Feigning  to  retreat  slowly,  he  awaited  their  onset,  and 
then  turned  upon  them,  and  after  some  terrific  volleys 
of  musketry,  he  charged  them  with  the  bayonet,  rout 
ing  and  dispersing  their  whole  force,  killing,  wound 
ing  and  capturing  from  five  hundred  to  six  hundred 
men,  he  himself  losing  only  thirty-one  men. 

"  This  was  one  of  the  most  brilliant  engagements  of 
the  war,  and  General  Hancock  merits  the  highest  praise 
for  the  soldierly  qualities  displayed  and  his  perfect 
appreciation  of  the  vital  importance  of  his  position." 

The  troops  with  which  General  Hancock  achieved 
this  brilliant  success  were  the  Seventh  Maine  and 
Thirty-third  New  York  from  Davidson's  brigade,  which 
was  undc.  Msncock's  command  at  that  time,  and  the 
Sixth  Maine,  Forty-ninth  Pennsylvania,  and  Fifth 
Wisconsin,  detailed  from  his  own  brigade. 


94  LIFE   AND    PUBLIC   SERVICES    OF 


CHAPTER    HI. 

Hancock  again  Bre vetted  for  Gallantry.  — His  Work  in  the  Prelimina 
ries  of  tho  Peninsular  Campaign.  —  His  Care  of  his  Men.  —  Military 
Discipline.  —  Skirmishing  and  Foraging.  —  Raids  upon  the  Virginia 
Farms. — The  Foragers'  return  to  Camp  with  Spoils  of  War. — 
Mr.  Vollin.  —  Capturing  a  Sleeping  Beauty. 

IT  was  for  the  bravery  and  skill  shown  in  these 
earlier  battles  of  the  Peninsular  Campaign  that  General 
Hancock  received  the  brevet  rank  of  Major  in  the 
regular  army.  Indeed,  his  merit  and  his  capacity  were 
promptly  recognized  at  the  War  Department ;  and  the 
honors  which  the  regular  service  confers  only  for  sub 
stantial  achievements  came  thick  and  fast.  Before 
the  campaign  was  over,  Hancock  had  received  his  third 
brevet  since  Churubusco,  and  held  the  honorary  rank 
of  Colonel  in  the  United  States  army. 

During  his  early  connection  with  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac,  he  was  a  busy  commander.  All  his  energies 
were  taxed  to  their  utmost  to  prepare  his  troops  for 
active  duty ;  and  how  well  this  was  done,  their  valiant 
service  in  critical  periods  subsequently  testified.  With 
out  effective  troops,  Hancock  could  never  have  won 
the  wonderful  successes  that  he  did  ;  without  Hancock's 
faithful  and  skilful  labor,  his  troops  could  never  have 
been  brought  to  such  a  degree  of  efficiency. 

He  was  a  strict  disciplinarian,  but  nothing  of  a 
martinet.  He  exacted  from  those  under  him  the  same 


WTNTIELD    SCOTT   HANCOCK.  95 


implicit  and  prompt  obedience  to  orders  which  he 
self  rendered  to  his  superiors  ;  but  he  was,  at  the  same 
time,  the  kindliest,  most  sympathetic,  and  most  inspir 
ing  of  commanders.  All  who  served  under  him  came 
to  love  and  even  worship  him,  such  was  the  admiration 
he  excited  ;  his  subordinates  prized  his  smile  as  highly 
as  they  dreaded  his  reproof. 

That  part  of  Virginia  in  which  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac  was  operating  was  aflame  with  rebellion. 
There,  too,  the  first  pinching  necessities  of  the  war 
were  felt.  The  country  was  transformed  into  a  camp, 
where  every  male  capable  of  bearing  arms  was  held  to 
be  a  soldier,  and  every  crop  was  regarded  as  pledged  to 
the  support  of  the  Southern  troops.  Parties  of  the 
Confederate  cavalry  scoured  the  country  for  recruits 
and  for  provisions.  Every  farm-house  was  an  outpost 
of  the  enemy,  or  even  an  arsenal.  Every  tramp  was 
a  spy  in  disguise.  Every  bush  might  afford  conceal 
ment  for  a  sharp-shooter. 

It  was  a  desultory  sort  of  warfare  during  the  earlier 
part  of  the  campaign,  but  not  devoid  of  incident.  A 
few  weeks  after  General  Hancock  had  assumed  com 
mand  of  his  brigade  at  the  front,  a  scouting-party,  sent 
out  along  the  roads  leading  to  Fairfax  Court  House  and 
Hunter's  Mills,  encountered  an  equal  number  of  Con 
federate  cavalry  on  similar  business.  They  immedi 
ately  gave  chase,  the  rebels  taking  to  the  woods.  In 
the  hurry  of  the  pursuit,  while  passing  through  a  fruit- 
orchard,  they  did  not  observe  that  one  of  the  rebels 
had  dismounted  and  concealed  himself  behind  a  tree  ; 
whence,  resting  his  revolver  against  a  branch,  he  fired 


96  LIFE   AND   PUBLIC  SERVICES   OF 

three  shots  at  the  Major  commanding  the  Union  scouts. 
The  bullets  missed  their  mark.  But  when,  returning 
from  their  unsuccessful  pursuit  of  the  rebels,  they 
found  this  man  endeavoring  to  make  his  escape,  they 
"gathered  him  in,"  as  the  army  phrase  was,  and 
brought  him  before  the  General  at  headquarters.  Han 
cock  at  once  recognized  him  as  a  notorious  spy,  through 
whose  successful  operations  in  our  lines  the  enemy  had 
received  important  and  damaging  information. 

"Your  name  is  Vollin,  I  believe?"  inquired  the 
General. 

"Yes,  sir,"  answered  the  spy,  taken  off  his  guard  by 
the  quick  recognition  and  sharp  interrogatory. 

"  All !  Mr.  Vollin,  I  am  glad  to  see  you  ;  we  have 
been  looking  for  you  for  some  time." 

Vollin  was  not  long  left  in  doubt  as  to  the  conse 
quences  of  his  actions.  Hancock  was  never  cruel;  but 
he  was  unflinching  in  executing  the  laws  of  war. 

"  You  are  aware  of  the  fate  prescribed  for  spies,  Mr. 
Vollin  ?  "  continued  the  General. 

"  I  suppose  I  am,"  stammered  the  unfortunate  fellow. 

"  Then  you  will  please  prepare  for  it  at  your  earliest 
convenience.  Good  morning,  sir." 
-  The  Maine  and  Wisconsin  men  in  Hancock's  brigade 
possessed  a  wonderful  talent  for  the  somewhat  diffi 
cult  and  delicate  work  of  procuring  supplies.  The 
army,  to  a  considerable  extent,  subsisted  upon  the 
country.  To  be  sure,  the  Confederate  troops  scoured 
it  pretty  thoroughly ;  and  they  had  this  advantage — 
that  the  Virginia  farmers  of  that  section  were  Southern 


J 


WINFIELD    SCOTT   HANCOCK.  97 

patriots,   not   Northern  ones,  and  were  more  readily 
induced  by  them  to  contribute  of  their  stores. 

But  Hancock's  men  were  active.  They  were  largely 
country-bred,  and  knew  by  instinct  where  the  poultry 
and  the  live-stock  would  be  found,  even  amid  the 
unfamiliar  surroundings  of  a  Virginia  farm.  This 
instinct  they  cultivated  by  constant  forays  from  camp 
through  the  farms  for  miles  around,  bringing  in  hay, 
corn,  sheep,  and  beef-cattle  as  spoils  of  war  for  the  sub 
sistence  of  the  invaders.  Nor  were  delicacies  wanting. 
The  entrance  into  camp  of  a  returning  foraging  party, 
with  chickens  dangling  by  the  legs  from  their  musket- 
barrels,  with  pigs  thrown  across  their  saddles,  and 
with  shirt-fronts  decorated  with  fresh  vegetables,  or 
bulging  with  carefully-carried  eggs,  would  be  greeted 
with  shouts  of  admiring  merriment. 

It  was  fun  and  food  to  our  men  ;  it  was  anything  but 
that  to  the  poor  farmers  who  found  themselves  by  mis 
fortune  occupying  a  middle  position  between  two  con 
tending  armies,  each  with  an  inordinate  appetite  for 
fresh  meat  and  early  vegetables.  They  were  robbed 
on  both  sides.  One  party  took  their  bacon  in  the  name 
of  Southern  patriotism  ;  the  other  carried  oft'  their  beef 
in  the  name  of  Federal  supremacy.  Between  the  two, 
they  were  impoverished  and  ruined.  Here  at  the 
North,  hard  as  we  thought  the  war  to  be,  we  knew 
nothing  of  its  real  and  necessary  cruelties.  But,  for 
all  that,  it  is  doubted  whether  the  most  delicate  produc 
tions  of  our  most  artistic  cooks  ever  had  the  ilavor  of 
one  of  these  lean  and  scraggy  stolen  Virginia  chickens, 
speared  with  a  bayonet  and  broiled  on  a  ramrod. 


98  LIFE    AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES   OF 

Southern  historians  state  that  at  even  this  time  Lee's 
army  was  reduced  to  great  extremity  ;  that  there  was 
seen  the  day  when  the  Confederate  chief  had  neither 
the  means  to  cook  the  next  meal  for  himself,  nor  to 
serve  the  next  ration  to  his  soldiers.  Large  foraging 
parties  were  sent  out,  and  as  these  frequently  met  those 
of  the  Union  army  on  the  same  errand,  some  important 
skirmishes  resulted.  It  was  on  one  of  these  occasions 
that  Ord  met  Stuart  and  routed  his  four  regiments  and 
a  six-gun  battery. 

General  Hancock's  brigade  also  took  part  in  the  fre 
quent  reconnoissances  that  were  required  at  this  time, 
often  taking  on  the  form  of  a  considerable  inarch,  and 
usually  involving  a  skirmish  which  sometimes  had 
almost  the  character  of  a  battle. 

On  one  of  these  occasions,  after  a  detachment  of 
Hancock's  command  had  driven  a  small  body  of  Con 
federates  across  the  York  River,  they  proceeded,  under 
orders,  as  usual  in  such  cases,  to  search  the  neighbor 
ing  houses,  all  being  presumptively  occupied  by  rebel 
sympathizers,  and  possibly  having  granted  shelter  to 
some  of  the  enemy.  As  the  men  entered  one  of  these 
houses,  they  were  accosted  by  the  housewife  : 

"What  do  you  want?" 

"  We  are  looking  for  Johnnies,  madam." 

"Well,  there  ain't  none  in  this  house,  an'  you  better 
clear  out  quick." 

"It  is  our  orders  to  search  every  house,  madam,  and 
we  cannot  leave  until  we  have  searched  yours." 

"  Search  my  house  !  I'd  like  to  see  Yankees  do 
that!" 


WINFIELD    SCOTT   HANCOCK.  99 

"  You  shall  have  that  pleasure,"  was  the  reply,  as 
some  of  the  troops  went  down  cellar,  and  others  ex 
amined  the  ground  floor. 

"Now  we  will  go  up  stairs,"  said  the  officer  in  com 
mand. 

"  Well,  if  you  will,  you  must.  But  you  won't  find 
nobody  up  there  but  a  poor  old  sick  one." 

"Is  it  a  sick  man?" 

"No,  it  ain't.  It's  my  husband's  aunt  Betty;  been 
sick  going  on  ten  years." 

"Where  is  she?" 

"Up  chamber  there." 

Up  they  went,  and  there,  as  the  woman  said,  they 
found  a  bed-ridden  crone.  But  the  form  wJiich  the  bed 
clothes  outlined  was  more  extended  and  ample  than 
the  shape  of  an  old  woman  would  warrant ;  and  mod 
estly  turning  down  the  coverlet,  they  disclosed  an 
armed  Confederate,  lying  at  length  with  his  boots  on. 
The  boys  named  him  at  once  the  "  Sleeping  Beauty," 
and  gathered  him  in. 

Hancock's  brigade,  during  the  preliminary  week  of 
the  Peninsular  Campaign,  bore  its  share  of  the  labors, 
and  claimed  its  share  of  the  sports  and  humors  of  the 
camp,  the  march,  and  the  foray  ;  and  it  was  in  splendid 
condition  when  its  gallant  leader  took  it  into  battle. 

o 

Such  a  test  as  that  at  Williainsburg  could  be  success 
fully  borne  only  by  troops  who  had  learned  to  have 
confidence  in  their  commander,  and  who  had  by  him 
been  brought  to  a  high  state  of  military  efficiency. 


100  LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 


CHAPTER  IV. 

The  Advance  toward  Richmond.— General  Hancock's  Letter  to  his 
Mother. —  Battle  of  (ho  Cbickahominy. —  Golding's  Farm. —  Han 
cock  repulses  Toornhs'  Assault. —  Ho  holds  tho  Enemy  at  Bay  at 
White  Oak  Swamp. — Tho  Seven  Days'  Retreat  to  Harrison's 

Lauding. 

« 

HANCOCK  having  decided  the  day  at  "VVilliamsburg, 
and  turned  the  enemy  in  flight  toward  Richmond,  the 
advance  of  McClellan's  grand  army  was  made  with 
such  rapidity  as  the  horrible  condition  of  the  roads 
would  permit.  Those  who  have  experienced  it  do  not 
need  to  be  told  what  Virginia  mud  is.  Those  who 
have  not  known  it  by  experience  can  never  realize  it 
by  description.  It  is  deep,  treacherous,  and  tenacious. 
It  pervades  everything.  To  walk  in  it  is  a  toil  of  Her 
cules.  To  ride  is  a  constant  misery.  To  drive  a 
vehicle  is  to  plough  through  sticky  soil  to  the  depth  of 
the  axles. 

Through  this  mud,  reinforced  by  the  heavy  rains  of 
the  season,  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  was  advanced 
along  the  line  of  the  retreating  Confederates.  A  base 
of  supplies  was  established  at  White  House,  on  the 
Pamunkey  River,  and,  slowly  repairing  the  line  of  the 
York  River  and  Richmond  Railroad,  the  column  was 
pushed  on  in  that  section.  By  the  21st  of  May  they 
had  reached  the  Chickahominy  River,  behind  which 
Johnston  had  retired  with  the  purpose  of  making  an 


WINFIELD 

aggressive  demonstration  at  this  point,  with  all  the  force 
he  could  command  from  Richmond.  We  find  General 
Hancock  writing  home  about  this  time  :  — 

IN  CAMP  NEAK  RICHMOND, 
May  23,  1802. 

MY  DEAR  MOTHER: — I  wrote  to  father  a  lew  days  ago. 
It  has  been  some  time  since  I  heard  from  him  or  you.  I  pre 
sume  some  of  your  letters  have  missed  me  in  consequence  of 
the  changes  of  the  field. 

I  am  well,  and  so  also  is  brother  John.  AYc  are  not  in 
Richmond  yet ;  but  trust  we  shall  be  there,  all  in  good  time. 

I  hope  that  God  in  his  good  mercy  will  permit  both  your 
sons  to  reach  that  city  in  safety  and  in  honor. 

I  have  not  much  time  to  write.  Give  my  best  love  to 
father ;  and  believe  me, 

Your  devoted  son, 

WINFIELD  S.  HANCOCK. 

Here  the  tide  of  war  took  a  turn.  The  country  just 
beyond  the  Chickahominy  was  the  limit  of  the  advance 
of  the  Union  arms  in  this  direction  toward  Ilichmond. 
From  May  into  Juno  there  were  skirmishes,  demonstra 
tions,  and  slow  manoeuvres  ;  toward  the  end  of  June 
came  the  famous  "seven  days"  and  the  retreat.  In  all 
these  movements,  Hancock  fought  among  the  foremost. 
His  brigade  continued  in  General  Smith's  division,  now 
a  part  of  a  new  provisional  army  corps,  in  command  of 
Gen.  "W.  B.  Franklin,  posted  on  the  right  of  the  main 
body.  In  the  pestilential  swamps  of  the  Chickahominy 
his  labors  were  arduous  ;  and.  sharing  the  dangers  and 
fatigues  of  all  the  principal  attacks,  he  rendered  impor- 


Pfc'AlfD'FOfiLIC   SERVICES   OF 


tant  aid  in  the  retreat,  by  conducting  the  safe  with 
drawal  of  the  men  under  his  command. 

The  battle  of  the  Chickahominy,  June  27,  was  fol 
lowed  by  the  engagements  of  Golding's  Farm,  Savage 
Station,  White  Oak  Swamp,  and  the  retreat  to  Harri 
son's  Landing,  on  successive  days.  General  Hancock 
was  prominent  in  all  these  fights,  his  brigade  usually 
occupying  the  post  of  danger,  and  gaining  new  honors 
for  bravery  and  persistence. 

At  Golding's  Farm,  Hancock  sustained  and  repulsed 
an  attack  of  the  enemy  in  force.  The  closing  part  of 
the  fight  showed  on  Hancock's  part  the  tactics  which  he 
practised  first  at  Williamsburg,  and  for  which  he 
became  famous.  That  is,  he  held  his  position  tena 
ciously  until  the  critical  moment  in  the  attack  of  the 
enemy  arrived,  and  then  carried  demoralization  before 
him  by  an  impetuous  charge.  The  best  and  most 
thoroughly  disciplined  troops  can  hardly  stand  under 
such  a  stroke  ;  but  to  accomplish  this  movement,  it  is 
necessary  that  the  commander  should  have  the  full  con 
fidence  of  his  men.  The  secret  of  gaining  and  holding 
this  confidence  was  possessed  by  Hancock.  It  was  that 
the  commander  should  share  the  peril  of  his  troops  and 
be  seen  by  them.  When  a  brigade  commander,  he  was 
always  among  his  men,  riding  up  and  down  close  behind 
his  line  of  battle,  encouraging  them  by  voice  and 
example,  and  not  only  sharing  their  danger,  but  tak 
ing  yet  greater  risk  than  that  to  which  he  required 
them  to  expose  themselves.  As  he  rose  in  rank,  he 
continued  the  same  practice,  trusting  less  to  his  aids 
than  perhaps  any  other  general  officer,  but  pushing  his 


WINFIELD    SCOTT   HANCOCK.  103 

orders  through  his  personal  presence,  here,  there,  and 
everywhere  over  the  field.  He  was  always  at  the  criti 
cal  point  at  the  critical  moment,  and  his  troops  always 
knew  that  they  were  fighting  under  the  eye  of  a  com 
mander  who  did  not  know  what  fear  was,  and  who 
would  tolerate  it  in  no  one  else. 

In  illustration  of  this  trait  of  character,  the  story  is 
told  of  one  of  his  subordinate  officers,  who,  when  he 
had  his  men  in  a  tight  place,  rode  up  to  the  General, 
and  said  : 

"General,  my  men  are  all  being  killed;  may  I  not 
withdraw  them  a  little  out  of  the  fire?" 

"No,"  replied  Hancock,  "I  hope  we  shall  be  able  to 
advance  soon." 

"Then  we  shall  all  be  killed,"  despondingly  replied 
the  officer. 

"Very  well,"  said  Hancock,  "return  to  your  troops, 
and  if  you  fall  you  will  have  the  satisfaction  of  know 
ing  you  have  died  for  your  country." 

The  fight  of  Golding's  Farm  was  remarkable  from 
the  fact  that  it  extended  into  the  night.  The  scene  of 
the  contest,  with  the  opposing  forces  blazing  away  at 
each  other  at  close  quarters  all  along  the  line,  is 
described  as  one  of  the  finest  spectacles  of  the  war. 

It  was  now  no  longer  a  question  of  taking  Richmond, 
but  of  making  a  safe  retreat  to  the  James  River,  with  a 
victorious  enemy  in  the  rear ;  and  the  metal  of  Hancock 
and  his  troops  was  tested  under  these  most  trying  cir 
cumstances.  The  next  assault  which  he  had  to  sustain  in 
protecting  the  rear  of  the  retreat,  was  at  Garnett's  Hill. 
It  was  the  purpose  of  the  Confederates  to  force  him 


104  LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

back  and  separate  his  command  from  the  main  body  of 
the  army.  The  attack  was  opened  with  a  heavy  artil 
lery  fire  of  grape,  shell,  round  shot,  and  shrapnel;  suc 
ceeding  which,  General  Toombs  led  the  assault  of  five 
regiments  of  Confederate  infantry  upon  Hancock's 
force.  The  fi^ht  became  almost  hand  to  hand.  It 

o 

was  short  and  sharp,  and  ended  in  repulse  of  the  Con 
federates.  On  the  following  morning,  Toombs  returned 
to  the  attack,  but  was  again  repulsed  with  heavy  loss, 
Hancock  holding  the  enemy  in  check  at  this  point  until 
he  was  able  to  make  connection  with  the  remainder  ol 
his  division.  The  day  after,  June  29,  he  was  engaged 
in  similar  hot  work  at  Savage  Station. 

The  line  of  retreat  to  the  James  passed  across  White 
Oak  Swamp,  and  Keyes'  corps,  which  was  in  advance, 
had  made  the  passage  on  the  28th,  followed  by  the  long 
train  of  five  thousand  wagons,  and  twenty-five  hundred 
beef-cattle,  all  of  which  had  to  cross  the  morass  by 
one  narrow  defile. 

Hancock's  brigade  had  to  protect  this  passage  from 
the  assault  of  the  Confederate  troops,  hurried  forward 
and  massed  in  the  rear  of  the  retreating  army.  Sixty 
pieces  of  rebel  artillery  were  posted  on  the  other  side 
of  the  ravine,  whose  opposite  bank  Hancock  occupied, 
and  poured  their  fire  upon  his  men.  The  Confederate 
position  could  not  be  attacked,  and  no  reply  could  be 
made  to  this  terrible  bombardment,  except  by  two  or 
three  of  the  Union  batteries.  Hancock's  men,  more 
over,  had  for  three  days  been  marching  by  night  and 
fighting  by  day,  and  were  worn  out  by  fatigue  and  loss 
of  sleep.  In  such  circumstances  the  best  troops  are 


WINFIELD    SCOTT    HANCOCK.  105 

liable  to  give  way  under  the  demoralizing  effect  of  a 
heavy,  concentrated,  and  continuous  fire  of  artillery ; 
and  the  fact  that  these  troops  endured  it  without  flinch 
ing,  told  volumes  of  their  bravery  and  discipline.  Han 
cock  held  his  position  throughout  the  day,  sustaining 
the  artillery  fire  and  repelling  the  attacks  of  the  infan 
try,  until  the  last  wagon  of  the  immense  train  of  the 
retreating  army  was  safely  across  the  swamp. 

In  the  same  arduous  services  General  Hancock  con 
tinued  until  the  Peninsular  Campaign  came  to  an  end, 
four  days  after,  by  the  arrival  of  McClellan's  army  at 
Harrison's  Landing.  He  had  mounted  another  step  on 
the  ladder  of  patriotic  fame,  and  won  his  brevet  of 
Colonel  in  the  regular  army  "  for  gallant  and  meritori 
ous  conduct  in  the  Peninsular  Campaign." 


106  LIFE   AND   PUBLIC   SERVICES   OF 


CHAPTER  Y. 

Pope's  Campaign  iii  Northern  Virginia.— Hancock  joins  in  tlio  Move 
ment  to  Ccntrcville. —  McClellan's  Maryland  Campaign  against 
L»o. —  Hancock  at  South  Mountain. —  Forcing  Grampian's  Pass. — 
Antietam. —  Hancock  takes  Command  of  a  Division. —  His  First 
Connection  with  the  Second  Army  Corps. 

THE  Army  of  the  Potomac  having  returned  from  its 
unsuccessful  attempt  to  reach  Richmond  by  forcing  its 
path  up  the  Peninsula,  the  following  month  of  August 
was  chiefly  occupied  with  auxiliary  operations.  General 
Pope's  campaign  in  Northern  Virginia,  so  weak  and 
disastrous,  covers  most  of  the  military  events  of  this 
month.  General  Hancock  took  a  subsidiary  part  in 
this  campaign,  marching  with  his  brigade  to  Centre ville 
in  support  of  one  of  Pope's  blundering  movements. 

This  was  a  dark  day  for  the  country.  Not  only  had 
the  attempt  to  reach  Richmond  failed,  but  Pope's  fol 
lowing  campaign,  conducted  with  such  a  profusion  of 
boastful  and  glowing  despatches  and  proclamations,  had 
resulted  disastrously.  The  North  was  despondent ; 
the  South  was  exultant.  Lee  had  proved  his  strength 
to  hold  the  Confederate  territory  against  all  invaders  ; 
now  he  purposed  reversing  the  situation  and  becoming 
an  invader  himself. 

It  is  doubtful  whether,  when  he  set  his  columns  in 
motion  from  Richmond,  he  intended  to  carry  the  Con 
federate  flag  across  the  river  that  formed  the  dividing 


WINFIELD    SCOTT   HANCOCK.  107 

line  between  the  warring  powers.  It  is  certain  that 
his  army  was  wretchedly  equipped  and  poorly  provided. 
Lee  himself  says  that  thousands  of  his  troops  at  this 
time  were  destitute  of  shoes.  But,  whether  induced 
by  incorrect  representations  of  the  popular  feeling  in 
Maryland,  which  Lee  thought  would  lead  the  people  to 
flock  into  his  army  as  soon  as  he  set  foot  on  Northern 
soil,  or  for  whatever  reason,  the  whole  Confederate  army 
crossed  the  Potomac  at  Lecsburg,  by  the  fords  near 
that  place,  in  three  days,  between  the  4th  and  7th  of 
September,  18 G2,  and  encamped  in  the  vicinity  of 
Frederick.  There  the  standard  of  revolt  was  formally 
raised,  and  the  people  of  Maryland  were  invited  by  proc 
lamation  of  General  Lee  to  join  the  Confederate  force. 

Lee  was  disappointed  when  no  recruits  came.  The 
ragged  and  shoeless  condition  of  his  troops  operated 
strongly  to  quench  the  enthusiasm  for  service  in  the 
cause  of  the  Confederacy.  But  there  he  was,  across 
the  border ;  and  the  moral  effect,  as  well  as  the  military 
necessities  of  the  campaign,  required  that  he  should 
hold  his  position.  He  could  not  retreat  without  at 
least  measuring  strength  with  the  powerful  army  which 
he  knew  must  be  sent  to  repel  his  invasion. 

So  it  was  that  the  Maryland  campaign  came  into 
existence.  When  the  shattered  battalions  that  sur 
vived  General  Pope's  disastrous  campaign  in  Northern 
Virginia  returned  to  Washington,  President  Lincoln 
requested  General  McClellan  to  resume  command  of 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  which  was  increased  in  num 
bers  by  the  addition  of  other  corps.  "  McClellan's 
reappearance  at  the  head  of  affairs,"  says 


108  LIFE    AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

'had  the  most  beneficial  effect  on  the  army,  whose 
morale  immediately  underwent  an  astonishing  change. 
The  heterogeneous  mass,  made  up  of  the  aggregation 
of  the  remnants  of  the  two  armies  and  the  garrison  of 
Washington,  was  reorganized  into  a  compact  body, — a 
work  that  had  mostly  to  be  done  while  the  army  was 
on  the  march  ;  and  as  soon  as  it  became  known  that 
Lee  had  crossed  the  Potomac,  McClellan  moved  toward 
Frederick  to  meet  him." 

It  was  Lee's  plan  to  dislodge  the  Union  forces  from 
Harper's  Ferry  before  concentrating  his  army  west  of 
the  mountains,  and  his  arrangements  and  orders  were 
all  made  for  this  enterprise.  But,  through  a  stroke  of 
good  fortune,  a  copy  of  Lee's  order  for  the  movement 
of  troops  fell  into  McClellan's  hands,  on  the  day  of  his 
arrival  at  Frederick,  and  forthwith  there  began  a  race 
for  Harpers  Ferry.  The  South  Mountain  range  had 
to  be  passed  by  the  Union  army,  and  toward  the  two 
principal  passes,  Turner's  Gap  and  Crampton's  Gap, 
the  columns  hastened.  Lee  had  information  of  McClel 
lan's  movements,  and  had  sent  troops  to  the  passes  to 
meet  them.  Our  men  found  the  Confederates  in  pos 
session,  and  forthwith  proceeded  to  break  through. 
Hancock  was  with  Franklin's  corps  at  Crampton's  Pass, 
six  miles  below  Turner's  Gap,  where  the  other  column 
was  forcing  its  passage  and  where  the  gallant  Reno 
was  killed.  It  was  hot  work  where  Hancock  was  as 
well.  The  rebel  General  McLaws  held  the  pass  under 
orders  not  to  permit  the  passage,  "  even  if  he  lost  his 
last  man  in  doing  it ;  "  and  he  held  it  well.  But  the 
forces  under  Hancock,  whose  duty  it  was  to  advance 


WINFIELD    SCOTT    HANCOCK.  109 

along  the  left  of  the  road  through  the  steep  and  narrow 
pass,  drove  back  the  Confederates  from  their  position 
at  the  base  of  the  mountain  where  they  were  protected 
by  a  stone  wall,  and  forced  them  back  up  the  slope  of 
the  mountain  to  near  its  summit.  Here  Hancock  and 
his  determined  fellow-soldiers  fought  for  three  hours, 
until  the  crest  was  carried  and  four  hundred  prisoners 
taken. 

The  battle  of  South  Mountain  was  won,  though  at 
great  cost,  and  not  soon  enough  to  save  Harper's  Ferry, 
which  surrendered  to  the  enemy  the  very  morning  that 
the  relieving  army  burst  through  the  passes  of  South 
Mountain,  with  Hancock  at  the  front. 

As  the  Confederates  retired  on  the  morning  of  the 
15th  of  September,  McClellan  pushed  forward  his  whole 
army  in  pursuit ;  but  after  a  few  miles'  march  the 
heads  of  the  columns  were  brought  to  a  sudden  halt  at 
Antietam  Creek,  where,  on  the  heights  crowning  the 
west  bank  of  the  stream,  Lee  had  taken  his  stand  to 
oppose  McClellan's  pursuit.  It  was  absolutely  neces 
sary  for  him  to  make  a  stand  and  give  battle  here,  and 
he  was  ready  to  do  it. 

Late  in  the  afternoon  of  the  15th,  the  Union  army 
drew  up  before  the  Antietam,  and  there  rested  over 
night.  On  the  following  day  there  was  an  artillery 
duel  and  some  considerable  skirmishing.  On  the  17th 
the  great  battle  was  fought,  contested  with  an  obstinacy 
which  certified  the  valor  of  both  sides,  and  ending  in  a 
victory  of  which  the  honors  were  almost  as  great  for 
the  vanquished  as  for  the  victors.  From  five  o'clock  in 
the  morning  until  seven  o'clock  at  night  the  armies 


110  LIFE   AM)    rUBLIC    SERVICES    OP 

contended  with  great  slaughter.  At  the  time,  all  who 
participated  in  it  were  fully  convinced  that  they  fought 
the  greatest  battle  of  the  war;  and,  indeed,  it  was  the 
bloodiest  and  the  most  hotly  contested  up  to  that  time. 
Both  armies  were  almost  exhausted  when  the  sun 
went  down.  An  army  correspondent  told  the  story  of 
the  situation  at  the  close  in  this  way  :  — 

' l  McClellan's  glass  for  the  last  half-hour  has  seldom  been 
turned  awa}r  from  the  left.  He  sees  clearly  enough  that  Burn- 
side  is  pressed  —  needs  no  message  to  tell  him  that.  His  face 
grows  darker  with  anxious  thought.  Looking  down  into  the 
valley  where  fifteen  hundred  troops  are  lying,  lie  turns  a  half- 
questioning  look  on  Fitz  John  Porter  who  stands  by  his  side, 
gravely  scanning  the  field.  They  are  Porter's  troops  below  ; 
are  fresh,  and  only  impatient  to  share  in  this  fight.  But 
Porter  slowly  shakes  his  head,  and  one  may  believe  that  the 
same  thought  is  passing  through  the  minds  of  both  generals. 
4  They  are  the  only  reserves  of  the  army ;  they  cannot  be 
spared.' 

"  McClellan  mounts  his  horse,  and  with  Porter  and  a  dozen 
officers  of  his  staff  rides  away  to  the  left  in  Buruside's  direc 
tion.  It  is  easy  to  see  that  the  moment  has  come  when  eveiy- 
thing  may  turn  on  one  order  given  or  withheld,  when  the 
history  of  the  battle  is. only  to  be  written  in  thoughts  and 
purposes  and  words  of  the  general. 

"  Burnsicle's  messenger  rides  up.  His  message  is  :  '  I  want 
troops  and  guns.  If  3- ou  do  not  send  them,  I  cannot  hold  my 
position  half  an  hour.'  McClellan's  only  answer  for  a  moment 
is  a  glance  at  the  western  sky.  Then  he  turns  and  speaks 
very  slowly :  '  Tell  General  Burnside  this  is  the  battle  of 
the  war.  He  must  hold  his  ground  till  dark  at  any  cost.  I 
will  send  him  Miller's  battery.  I  can  do  nothing  more ;  I 


WINFIELD   SCOTT   HANCOCK.  Ill 

have  no  infantry.'  Then,  as  the  messenger  was  riding  away, 
he  called  him  back  :  '  Tell  him  if  he  cannot  hold  his  ground, 
then  the  bridge,  to  the  last  man  !  Always  the  bridge  !  If  the 
bridge  is  lost,  all  is  lost.' 

' '  The  sun  is  already  down  ;  not  half  an  hour  of  daylight  is 
left.  Till  Burnsidc's  message  came  it  had  seemed  plain  to 
every  one  that  the  battle  could  not  be  finished  to-day.  None 
suspected,  how  near  was  the  peril  of  defeat,  of  sudden  attack  on 
exhausted  forces  —  how  vital  to  the  safety  of  the  army  and  the 
country  were  those  iiftecn  hundred  waiting  troops  of  Fitz 
John  Porter  in  the  hollow.  But  the  rebels  halted  instead  of 
pushing  on  ;  their  vindictive  cannonade  died  away  as  the 
light  faded.  Before  it  was  quite  dark  the  battle  was  over. 
Only  a  solitary  gun  thundered  against  the  enemy,  and  presently 
this  also  ceased,  and  the  field  was  still." 

There  was  great  slaughter  among  the  troops,  and 
havoc  among  their  generals.  The  sun  went  down  in 
blood.  But  here  it  was,  on  this  sanguinary  field,  that 
Hancock  won  his  next  promotion.  General  Richardson, 
commanding  the  first  division  of  the  Second  Corps,  was 
mortally  wounded,  and  Hancock  was  ordered  to  take 
his  place  in  the  field,  and  fight  the  battle  where  Rich 
ardson  was  struck  down. 

From  this  time  dates  General  Hancock's  connection 
with  the  old  Second  Army  Corps  which  has  become 
historic.  His  name  and  his  fame  are  inseparably  con 
nected  with  the  corps  which  carried  as  its  emblem  the 
clover-leaf,  omen  of  good-luck.  They  came  together 
amid  the  shrieking  bullets  of  Antietam,  and  they  earned 
glory  together  through  the  war. 


112  LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SEEVICES    OF 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Fredericksburg. —  Opening  the  Campaign  of  the  Rappahannock.  — 
Buruside  succeeds  McClellan. —  Hancock  receives  his  Commission 
as  Major-Geueral  of  Volunteers. —  He  Commands  a  Division  on  the 
March  to  Frederickslmrg.—  The  Bloody  Fight  in  the  "  Slaughter- 
Pen."  — Hancock  Wounded. 

THE  Confederate  campaign  in  Maryland  came  to  an 
end  with  the  battle  of  Antietam,  in  which  Hancock  so 
distinguished  himself.  It  lasted  just  two  weeks  ;  and 
instead  of  passing  into  history  as  an  invasion,  it  degen 
erated  into  a  raid.  While  its  purpose  was  to  raise  the 
standard  o£  revolt  in  Maryland  and  rally  the  citizens 
of  that  State  about  the  Confederate  flag,  it  resulted  in 
the  almost  complete  destruction  of  Lee's  army.  In 
stead  of  receiving  flocks  of  recruits  from  the  rebel 
sympathizers  in  Maryland,  Lee  saw  his  own  forces 
dwindling  away  so  rapidly  that  he  was  forced  to  confess 
that  his  army  was  "ruined  by  straggling."  In  his 
official  report,  he  says: — "The  arduous  service  in 
which  our  troops  had  been  engaged,  their  great  priva 
tions  of  rest  and  food,  and  the  long  marches  without 
shoes  over  mountain  roads,  had  greatly  reduced  our 
ranks  before  the  action  [at  Antietam]  began.  These 
causes  had  compelled  thousands  of  brave  men  to  absent 
themselves,  and  many  more  had  done  so  from  unwor 
thy  motives.  This  great  battle  was  fought  by  less 
than  forty  thousand  men  on  our  side."  After  Antie- 


WINFIELD    SCOTT    HANCOCK.  113 

tarn,  Lee  was  quite  ready  to  get  back  across  the 
Potomac,  taking  with  him  less  than  thirty  thousand  of 
the  seventy  thousand  troops  with  which  he  had  entered 
Maryland. 

A  short  period  of  rest  for  the  Army  of  the  Potomac 
followed  the  battle  of  Antietam,  in  which  General 
Hancock  had  for  the  first  time  assumed  command  of  a 
division ;  but  when  it  became  necessary  to  make  a 
reconnoissance  in  force  from  Harper's  Ferry  to  Charles- 
town,  Ya.,  it  was  naturally  the  dashing  and  successful 
Hancock  who  was  ordered  to  lead  the  way.  This  was 
done  about  the  middle  of  October,  Hancock  striking 
the  line  of  the  enemy,  and  driving  him  with  the  sharp 
fighting  and  the  indomitable  persistence  for  which  he 
was  already  distinguished.  Following  this  reconnois 
sance,  McClellan  crossed  the  Potomac  about  five  miles 
below  Harper's  Ferry,  this  movement  ending  his  com 
mand,  General  Burnside  being  appointed  to  take  his 
place. 

Burnside's  plan  was  to  advance  on  Richmond  by  way 
of  Fredericksburg ;  and  to  accomplish  this  he  proposed 
to  move  by  the  north  bank  of  the  Rappahannock  to 
Falmouth,  nearly  opposite  to  Fredericksburg,  then 
cross  the  river  by  a  pontoon  bridge,  and  seize  the 
bluffs  on  the  south  bank.  The  advance  was  made  in 
three  columns,  Hancock  being  on  the  extreme  right  of 
the  line.  The  discipline  of  his  troops  was  as  perfect 
as  when  he  was  in  command  of  a  much  smaller  force, 
and  he  made  the  march  in  good  order,  passing  rapidly 
in  advance  of  the  main  body,  fording  rivers  and  cross 
ing  hills  and  valleys  while  leading  the  way. 


114  LIFE   AND   PUBLIC   SEEVICES   OF 

One  who  made  this  march  with  Hancock  thus  de 
scribes  it :  — "  The  country  from  the  Potomac  to  the 
Rappahannock  presented  the  usual  features  of  Virginia 
scenery.  Tall  chimneys  standing,  monuments  of 
departed  peace,  in  the  midst  of  wastes  that  had  once 
been  farms.  Not  a  cow,  or  chicken  or  pig,  or  any 
living  or  movable  thing  that  had  been  the  property  of 
the  inhabitants.  One  nest  of  squalid  children  staring 
from  a  forlorn  cabin.  A  few  dead  horses  and  mules 
beside  the  roads.  Six-mule  army  wagons,  with  blas 
pheming  drivers,  whooping,  lashing  and  cursing  their 
w^ay  through  the  river,  which  is  red  as  if  it  had  all  been 
soaked  in  their  blood.  Long  processions  of  cavalry 
winding  their  way,  like  caravans,  through  the  Virginian 
Sahara.  The  dismantled  huts  of  deserted  encamp 
ments,  the  camp-fires  still  smoking,  showing  that  the 
troops  were  just  put  in  motion.  The  tents  and  wig 
wams  of  the  guards  along  the  road,  looking,  in  the 
chill  wind  that  came  down  the  ravines  through  hills 

o 

spattered  with  snow,  dismally  uncomfortable." 

It  was  while  this  movement  was  in  progress  that 
Hancock  received  his  commission  as  Major-General  of 
Volunteers.  This  promotion  Avas  in  recognition  of  the 
gallantry  and  ability  shown  by  Hancock  in  the  pre 
ceding  campaign  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac. 

Thus  confirmed  in  his  position  as  division  commander, 
General  Hancock  led  his  troops  through  the  Avar- 
swept  fields  of  Virginia  to  Fredericksburg.  Arriving 
near  Falmouth,  on  the  opposite  bank  of  the  Rappahan 
nock,  he  halted  his  division  in  a  sheltered  valley  and 
gave  his  men  the  rest  they  needed  before  engaging  in 
the  terrible  conflict  that  was  before  them. 


WTNFIELD   SCOTT   HANCOCK.  115 

But  when  the  time  for  action  arrived,  Hancock  was 
in  the  advance.  On  the  night  of  the  12th  of  Decem 
ber,  1862,  he  moved  forward  and  crossed  the  river. 
When  his  force  reached  the  position  assigned  it,  directly 
in  front  of  the  enemy,  the  men  were  ankle-deep  in 
mud,  and  the  frosty  winds  of  the  Virginia  winter  were 
sweeping  down  the  valley  of  the  Eappahannock  and 
chilling  them  to  the  bone.  Yet  so  perfect  was  the 
discipline  which  Hancock  maintained,  that,  while  camp- 
fires  were  forbidden,  the  wet  and  cold  ranks  kept  their 
positions  in  the  line ;  and  together,  officers  and  men, 
Hancock  at  their  head,  lay  down  under  the  inclement 
sky  and  tried  to  sleep. 

The  battle  began  at  daybreak  of  December  13.  Han 
cock's  force  was  at  the  front,  and  remained  there  through 
the  long  and  bloody  action.  His  behavior  on  this  oc 
casion  was  in  keeping  with  the  high  reputation  he  had 
achieved.  With  his  division,  he  was  in  the  hottest  of 
the  fight,  leading  his  men  as  far  as  it  was  possible  for 
men  to  go,  and  falling  back  with  them  only  when  at 
tempt  to  go  further  was  foolhardy  and  useless.  Every 
attempt  made  by  the  enemy  to  break  through  Hancock's 
line  was  immediately  repulsed,  and  his  men  halted  on 
the  march  through  the  upper  parts  of  the  city  only  to 
form  a  more  perfect  line,  and  do  the  more  execution  in 
the  attack. 

Here,  as  everywhere  else,  Hancock  seemed  to  bear 
a  charmed  life.  He  passed  through  the  "  slaughter- 
pen,"  as  our  men  used  to  call  the  position  they  occupied 
in  this  fight,  with  only  a  slight  flesh-wound  across  the 
abdomen,  coming  out  otherwise  unharmed,  though  with 
his  uniform  perforated  by  the  enemy's  bullets. 


116  LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

An  eye-witness  describes  the  advance  of  Hancock's 
division  in  this  battle  :  "  That  which  I  saw  was  a  mas 
sive  line  of  blue-jackets  standing  in  the  mist  of  their 
own  musketry,  surging  forward  and  swaying  backward, 
only  to  push  on  again,  under  a  fire  of  artillery  and  mus 
ketry  such  that  I  was  amazed  it  did  not  absolutely 
sweep  them  from  the  face  of  the  earth  ;  and  so  utterly 
idle  did  it  seem  for  our  men  to  be  wasted  in  endeavor 
ing  to  breast  such  a  storm,  that  it  would  have  been  a 
relief  to  see  them  fall  back  into  the  town,  and  give  up 
the  unfair  and  horrible  contest.  The  discharges  of 
musketry  at  intervals  were  excessively  furious,  rapid 
beyond  computation,  and  the  sound  must  be  remarked 
as  far  more  terrible  than  that  of  artillery.  While  our 
artillery  was  silent,  and  that  of  the  enemy  was  jarring 
the  earth,  and  filling  the  valley  of  the  Rappahannock 
with  crashing  reverberations,  our  noble  infantry  main 
tained  for  hours  a  line  of  fire  across  the  field,  the  smoke 
rolling  from  the  play  of  their  muskets  in  long  fleecy 
clouds.  Presently  some  batteries  of  our  field-artillery 
got  to  work,  and  for  awhile  the  action  did  not  look  so 
one-sided.  -  Flash  answered  flash,  as  gun  responded  to 
gun ;  but  it  was  our  field-guns  to  their  siege-guns  ;  and 
their  batteries,  with  the  advantages  of  position  and 
number  of  pieces,  as  well  as  weight  of  metal,  after  a 
gallant  contest  silenced  our  artillery.  When  the  enemy 
charged  upon  our  men,  they  met  their  masters,  and 
were  invariably  beaten  back,  terribly  damaged.  No 
troops  in  the  world  would  have  won  a  victory  if  placed 
in  the  position  .ours  were.  Few  armies,  however  re 
nowned,  would  have  stood  as  well  as  ours  did.  It  can 


WIXFIELD    SCOTT    HANCOCK.  117 

hardly  bo  in  human  nature  for  men  to  show  more  valor 
than  was  found  on  our  side  that  day." 

The  character  of  Hancock  was  at  this  time  shown  in 
another  phase,  in  his  care  for  the  hospitals  and  for  those 
wounded  who  could  not  reach  them.  The  buildings 

o 

selected  for  the  hospital  service  were  watched  over  with 
the  closest  care,  and  as  safely  guarded  as  the  circum 
stances  permitted.  While  wounded  himself,  and  re 
maining  in  the  heat  of  the  battle,  he  constantly  super 
vised  the  despatch  of  the  wounded  sufferers  across  the 
river.  He  fought  his  troops  well  and  brought  them  off 
the  bloody  field  of  Fredericksburg  in  good  order. 

It  was  at  the  time  understood,  and  has  been  ever 
since  conceded,  that  the  attack  on  Fredericksburg  was 
a  great  and  terrible  error.  Burnside,  in  a  manly  way, 
in  his  official  report  to  the  President,  took  all  the  blame 
on  himself  as  the  one  who  planned  the  assault,  and 
under  whose  orders  it  was  made.  But,  without  enter 
ing  upon  the  question  of  the  wisdom  or  error  of  the 
orders  of  the  commanding  general,  we  can  regard  with 
pride  and  admiration  the  manner  in  which  those  orders 
were  carried  out.  To  show  with  what  persistent  valor 
Hancock  labored  to  carry  out  the  orders  entrusted  to 
him,  it  is  only  necessary  to  mention  the  fact,  that  of  the 
five  thousand  men  whom  he  led  in  person  to  the  assault 
upon  the  stone  wall  and  rifle-trenches  of  Longstreet  at 
the  foot  of  Marye's  Heights,  under  that  terrible  cross 
fire  of  shot  and  shell  from  the  Confederate  batteries, 
only  three  thousand  returned  with  their  wounded  com 
mander. 


118  LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SEE  VICES    OF 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Chancellorsvillc.— "  Fighting  Joe  "  Hooker  in  command  of  the  Army 
of  the  Potomac. — The  Clover  Badge. — Hancock  again  leads  his  Di 
vision  across  the  Rappahannock. — Occupation  of  Chancellorsville. 
—  Lee  attacks  the  Position. — Hancock's  Division  saves  the  Day. — 
"Stonewall"  Jackson's  Death. —  Hancock  takes  Command  of  the 
Second  Corps. 

THE  slaughter  of  Fredericksburg  was  followed  by 
the  fiasco  of  the  "Mud  March,"  and  then  Burnside, 
having  offered  the  President  the  alternative  of  accepting 
his  own  resignation,  or  at  once  removing  a  number  of 
his  corps  commanders,  was  promptly  relieved  of  his 
command,  and  Gen.  Joseph  Hooker —  "  Fighting  Joe  " 
—  put  in  his  place  at  the  head  of  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac.  Hooker  straightened  out  the  tangle  in  which 
Burnside  had  left  the  army,  spent  the  wet  months  in 
reorganizing  it,  and  in  April  had  it  in  good  condition 
to  move  on  to  another  day  of  glory  —  and  another 
defeat. 

It  was  Hooker  who  originated  the  plan  of  designat 
ing  the  several  army  corps  by  distinctive  badges.  The 
germ  of  the  idea  was  the  happy  thought  of  the  gallant 
Phil.  Kearney,  who,  at  Fair  Oaks,  ordered  the  soldiers 
of  his  division  to  sew  a  piece  of  reel  flannel  to  their 
caps,  so  that  he  could  recognize  them  in  the  tumult  of 
battle.  Hooker  developed  this  idea  into  a  system  which 
proved  most  useful  during  the  war. 


WINF1ELD    SCOTT   HANCOCK.  119 

Hancock  wore  the  trefoil,  or  clover-leaf,  the  honored 
badge  of  the  Second  Corps.  His  division  was  in  this 
corps,  which  Couch  commanded. 

The  two  armies  had  faced  each  other  all  winter  on 
opposite  banks  of  the  Rappahannock,  until,  in  April, 
Hooker  felt  prepared  to  make  an  offensive  movement. 
This  was  to  turn  the  flank  of  the  Confederate  army, 
and  thus  compel  Lee  to  abandon  his  defences  along  the 
Rappahannock.  The  movement  was  very  successfully 
executed,  so  far  as  turning  the  flank  and  getting  to 
Chancellorsville,  Hancock's  division  reaching  that  place 
and  bivouacking  there  on  the  night  of  Thursday,  April 
30,  1863. 

This  was  the  occasion  of  Hooker's  boastful  proclama 
tion  to  the  troops  :  "The  enemy  must  either  ingloriously 
fly,  or  come  out  from  behind  his  defences  and  give  us 
battle  on  our  own  ground,  where  certain  destruction 
awaits  him."  He  is  also  said  to  have  declared  in  conver 
sation  :  "  The  rebel  army  is  now  the  legitimate  property 
of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  They  may  as  well  pack 
up  their  haversacks  and  make  for  Richmond."  Had 
success  followed  his  movement,  these  boasts  would  have 
.  passed  into  history  as  wisdom ;  and  at  the  time  they 
were  made,  Hooker  had  every  reason  to  consider  him 
self  able  to  make  them  good. 

But  comparative  failure  robbed  them  of  their  charac 
ter.  Lee  at  length  realized  what  was  going  on  upon  his 
left  flank,  and  at  once  set  about  remedying  the  matter. 

Hancock's  division  had  been  sent,  with  that  of  Gen 
eral  Sykes,  to  advance  as  the  centre  column  on  the  road 
from  Chancellorsville  to  Fredericksburg ;  being  chosen, 


120  LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

as  usual,  for  the  post  of  honor  and  danger.  They  drove 
the  enemy,  and  secured  a  commanding  position  on 
Friday,  May  1.  But,  by  one  of  those  errors  which 
seem  so  strange  after  the  occurrence,  Hooker  ordered 
Sykes  and  Hancock  back,  in  spite  of  protest,  and  niude 
ready  to  accept  battle  at  Chancellorsville. 

How  the  Confederates,  under  "Stonewall"  Jackson, 
stole  around  Hooker's  army  while  Lee  was  engaging  his 
attention  in  front ;  and  how  General  Howard,  with  the 
Eleventh  Corps,  was  beaten  back  in  disorder,  has  been 
often  told.  But  here  it  was  that  Hancock  again  saved 
what  there  was  to  be  saved  from  the  disaster.  He 
interposed  his  division  like  a  rock  between  the  advanc 
ing  Confederates  and  the  demoralized  Union  troops ; 
and,  although  he  was  attacked  with  great  impetuosity, 
he  held  the  enemy  in  check. 

Always  generous  and  prompt  to  recognize  merit, 
Hancock,  in  his  report,  gives  this  tribute  to  the  valor 
of  one  of  his  subordinates: — "On  the  2d  of  May, 
the  enemy  frequently  opened  with  artillery  from  the 
heights  towards  Fredericksburg,  and  from  those  on  my 
right,  and  with  infantry  assaulted  my  advance  line  of 
rifle-pits,  but  wras  always  handsomely  repulsed  by  the 
troops  on  duty  there,  under  Col.  N.  A.  Miles.  During 
the  sharp  contest  of  that  day,  the  enemy  were  never 
able  to  reach  my  line  of  battle,  so  strongly  and  success 
fully  did  Colonel  Miles  contest  the  ground." 

In  the  disposition  of  his  forces,  Hancock  was,  as 
always,  personally  attentive  to  the  smallest  details  ;  and 
to  this,  equally  with  the  valor  of  his  subordinates,  must 
the  success  of  his  command  be  attributed.  He  led  his 


WINFIELD   SCOTT   HANCOCK. 

troops  in  person,  placed  them  in  the  field  under  his  own 
eye,  and  remained  to  take  part  in  the  engagement.  He 
was  right  among  his  men,  holding  them  to  work  by  his 
own  presence. 

At  Chancellorsville  he  had  his  horse  shot  under  him. 
To  what  dangers  he  and  his  men  were  exposed  by  the 
position  in  which  they  were  placed  in  this  battle,  and 
how  bravely  they  held  their  own,  is  indicated  in  the 
report  of  Colonel  Morris,  of  the  Sixty-sixth  New  York 
Regiment,  in  Hancock's  division.  "The  firing,"  writes 
Colonel  Morris,  "was  maintained  for  upwards  of  four 
hours,  during  which  the  enemy  made  repeated  and 
determined  assaults  upon  our  lines,  and  was  each  time 
gallantly  repulsed  by  our  men,  with  severe  loss.  All 
his  efforts  to  break  our  lines  having  proved  futile,  the 
enemy  opened  upon  them  with  a  terrific  fire  of  artillery, 
but  with  no  better  result ;  every  volley  from  the 
enemy's  musketry,  and  every  discharge  from  his  can 
non  seeming  to  give  renewed  energy  to  our  brave  men, 
and  to  increase  their  determination  to  maintain  their 
position  at  all  hazards,  and  against  any  assault  the  ene 
my  might  be  capable  of  making  against  them.  There 
was  no  wasting  of  ammunition  here ;  every  man  fired 
with  the  utmost  coolness  and  deliberation,  taking  steady 
aim  at  his  object  as  if  firing  for  a  prize ;  not  a  man 
flinched  under  the  terrible  fire  to  which  he  was  sub 
jected." 

It  was  after  making  his  attack  upon  the  position  held 
by  Hancock,  that  the  famous  "Stonewall"  Jackson 
received  the  wound  that  caused  his  death.  Speaking 
of  this  while  he  lay  dying,  Jackson  said:  "If  I  had 


122  LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

not  been  wounded,  I  would  have  cut  the  enemy  off 
from  the  road  to  the  United  States  Ford ;  we  would 
have  had  them  entirely  surrounded,  and  they  would 
have  been  obliged  to  surrender  or  cut  their  way  out." 

But  Lee  ventured  upon  no  strokes  of  audacity  after 
Jackson  had  passed  away ;  and  it  is  not  improbable 
that  the  loss  of  this  one  life  permitted  the  Chancellors- 
ville  expedition  to  become  only  a  failure,  not  an  over 
whelming  defeat. 

A  month  after  this  battle,  General  Hancock  was  put 
in  command  of  the  Second  Corps,  in  which  then  for 
nine  months  he  had  commanded  a  division.  His  eleva 
tion  to  this  important  command  gave  unusual  satisfac 
tion  to  officers  and  men,  who  had  come  to  know,  to 
admire,  and  to  trust  him ;  and  the  army  and  the 
country  recognized  his  advancement  as  a  fairly-earned 
tribute  to  his  soldierly  qualities.  His  assignment  to 
the  command  was  at  first  temporary,  occasioned  by  the 
retirement  of  General  Couch,  on  the  10th  of  June. 
But  events  were  culminating  in  the  war  for  the  Union, 
and  need  was  of  the  strongest  men  in  the  highest 
places;  and  President  Lincoln,  June  25,  confirmed 
General  Hancock  in  the  permanent  command  of  the 
corps  with  which  his  name  is  so  gloriously  associated. 


WINFIELD   SCOTT   HANCOCK.  123 


CHAPTER 

The  March  to  Gettysburg.  —  Lee  Resolves  upon  an  Invasion  of  the 
North.  —  He  Ravages  Pennsylvania  while  Halleck  and  Stautou  hold 
Hooker  back.  —  Hooker's  Resignation.  —  The  Camp  on  the  Rappa- 
hannock  broken  up.  —  The  March  toward  Washington. — Han 
cock's  Corps  the  Rear  Guard.  —  Perfect  Discipline  of  his  Men. 

THE  Army  of  the  Potomac  had  now  twice  crossed  the 
Rappahannock,  and  twice  had  it  been  driven  back,  if 
not  with  disaster,  at  least  without  success.  Fredericks- 
burg  and  Chancellorsville  had  raised  the  confidence  of 
Lee's  army  to  the  highest  pitch,  and  had  given  its  com 
mander  a  consciousness  of  power  which  inspired  him  to 
undertake  a  war  of  invasion  on  his  own  account.  The 
authorities  at  Richmond,  who  had  always  seemed  to 
act  more  harmoniously  than  those  at  Washington, 
determined  upon  an  offensive  policy,  and  with  Lee 
planned  a  movement  that  should  cause  the  Army  of 
the  Potomac  to  loose  its  hold  upon  the  Rappahannock, 
and  should  transfer  the  theatre  of  war  to  the  loyal 
States. 

The  Confederates,  moreover,  having  a  depleted  com 
missariat  to  draw  upon,  cast  longing  eyes  toward  the 
fertile  fields  and  rich  cities  that  lay  clustering  in  the 
valleys  and  upon  the  river-banks  in  the  great  State  of 
Pennsylvania;  and,  added  to  the  hope  of  recruiting 
their  exhausted  supplies,  was  the  expectation  of  obtain 
ing  a  foothold  upon  the  line  of  communications  between 


124  LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

Washington  and  the  North,  and  if  successful  in  defeating 
the  Union  army  upon  Northern  territory,  levy  tribute 
upon  these  wealthy  and  populous  districts,  and  possi 
bly  dictate  terms  of  peace  that  would  redound  to  the 
advantage  of  the  Confederacy. 

There  is  no  doubt  as  to  the  destitution  of  Lee's  army 
at  this  time,  or  as  to  the  influence  it  had  upon  the 
invasion.  Shortly  before  the  movement,  according  to 
General  Longstreet,  Lee  sent  to  Richmond  a  requisi 
tion  for  a  certain  amount  of  rations.  The  paper  came 
back  with  the  Commissary-General's  endorsement :  "  If 
General  Lee  wishes  rations,  let  him  seek  them  in  Penn 
sylvania."  At  this  time,  also,  Hooker's  army  had  been 
weakened,  by  the  mustering  out  of  the  short-term 
volunteers,  until  it  numbered  about  eighty  thousand 
effective  troops,  while  Lee  had  been  strengthened  by  a 
large  force  of  conscripts. 

General  Hooker  had,  from  the  first,  divined  the  pur 
pose  of  Lee,  and  had  kept  both  the  President  and  Sec 
retary  Stanton  informed  on  the  subject.  On  the  28th 
of  May  he  had  written :  "  You  may  rest  assured  that 
important  movements  are  being  made.  I  am  in  doubt 
as  to  the  direction  Lee  will  take,  but  probably  the  one 
of  last  year,  however  desperate  it  may  appear."  But, 
being  restrained  by  the  orders  of  Hal  leek  and  Stanton 
from  making  an  offensive  resistance  to  the  operations 
of  Lee,  Hooker  was  compelled  to  move  into  a  position 
to  protect  the  approaches  to  Washington  and  there 
await  the  development  of  the  Confederate  plans.  Thus 
the  course  of  Ewell  across  the  border  was  free  ;  the 
whole  region  of  Western  Pennsylvania  was  open  to 


WINFIELD   SCOTT   HANCOCK.  125 

him,  and  he  thoroughly  scoured  it,  levying  upon  the 
population  for  the  subsistence  of  his  troops,  while  he 
gathered  vast  herds  of  horses  and  cattle  and  sent  them 
southward  across  the  Potomac.  Thousands  of  Penn 
sylvania  farmers  fled  in  panic,  with  their  cattle  and 
household  goods,  across  the  Susquehanna. 

Thus  the  invasion  of  Northern  territory  by  the  Con 
federate  troops  became  a  fixed  fact.  Halleck  and 
Stanton  sat  yhivering  at  Washington,  vetoing  every 
plan  of  Hooker's  looking  toward  a  more  vigorous 
policy,  until,  on  the  27th  of  June,  Hooker,  in  despair, 
asked  to  be  relieved  from  the  command  of  an  army 
which  he  was  not  allowed  to  use. 

Hooker  recommended  that  General  Meade  be  ap 
pointed  to  fill  the  place  vacated  by  his  resignation,  and, 
true  to  his  duty,  conferred  with  his  successor,  and  had 
long  and  earnest  discussions  with  him,  imparting  to 
him  all  his  plans,  and  offering  any  advice  that  might  be 
required.  The  purpose  of  General  Meade  was  to  keep 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac  well  in  hand,  so  that  rapid 
concentration  might  be  effected,  and,  if  a  general  en 
gagement  was  to  be  fought,  it  should  be  upon  ground 
of  his  own  selection ;  at  the  same  time  to  watch  Lee's 
movements,  and,  when  a  favorable  opportunity  offered, 
strike  upon  his  communications,  and  by  preventing  a 
retreat  cut  him  in  pieces. 

To  fail  to  stop  Lee  in  his  invasion  of  Pennsylvania, 
meant  disaster  to  the  cause  of  the  Union.  The  fate  of 
the  Eepublic,  at  that  time,  hung  trembling  in  the 
balance.  Had  the  Union  arms  suffered  defeat,  the  loss 
of  Washington  and  the  prestige  of  the  possession  of  the 


126  LIFE   AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

Capital,  would  not  have  been  the  only  loss.  There 
would  have  been  practically  nothing  to  prevent  the  cap 
ture  of  Baltimore,  Philadelphia,  possibly  New  York. 
There  would  have  been  recognition  of  the  Southern 
Confederacy  by  European  Powers  ;  the  destruction  of 
the  Union,  or,  at  the  best,  its  preservation  only  after 
years  of  bloody  war.  All  these  probabilities  hung  on 
the  success  or  defeat  of  Lee,  who  was  now  forging 
ahead  on  Northern  soil,  toward  the  North  Star  and  ex 
pected  victory.  Not  to  intercept  him ;  not  to  strike 
him  at  a  place  where  the  Union  troops  would  have  the 
advantage  or  an  equality  of  position  ;  or,  having  struck 
Lee,  to  fail  to  overwhelm  him  —  and  all  those  results 
were  possible — and  the  cause  of  the  Union  was  lost. 

Probably  every  private  soldier  in  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac  knew  that  a  tremendous  conflict  was  not  many 
hours  distant,  and  had  some  clear  idea  of  what  failure 
meant.  But  there  were  some  on  whom  rested  supreme 
responsibility.  With  them  there  must  be  neither 
mediocrity  as  to  ability,  judgment,  or  execution. 
With  them  there  must  be  no  mistake,  or  all  would  be 
lost.  Chief  among  the  men  on  whom  was  laid  this 
momentous  duty  was  Hancock.  How  he  performed 
it  the  country  knows. 

It  was  on  the  13th  of  June  that  Hooker,  who  at  that 
time  still  retained  his  command  of  the  Army  of  Poto 
mac,  broke  his  camp  on  the  Rappahannock,  and  moved 
after  Lee  in  the  direction  of  Washington.  General 
Mulholland,  then  holding  a  command  in  Hancock's 
corps,  thus  describes  the  breaking  up  and  the  start  on 
the  long  march  :  - 


WINFIELD    SCOTT    HANCOCK.  127 

"  When  on  that  lovely  summer  evening  in  June,  1863,  we 
looked  for  the  last  time  on  Marye's  Heights  and  the  monu 
ment  of  Washington's  mother,  which  had  been  shattered  and 
broken  by  the  shells  of  both  armies,  and  stood  out  there  on 
the  plain  back  of  the  city,  as  though  protesting  against  this 
fratricidal  strife,  a  mute  and  sorrowful  Niobe  weeping  for  the 
misfortunes  of  her  children,  every  heart  beat  with  a  quick 
ened  throb,  and  all  the  men  rejoiced  to  leave  the  scenes  of 
the  last  six  months.  We  withdrew  from  the  line  of  the  river 
after  the  shades  of  night  had  fallen  over  the  landscape  ;  and 
it  seemed  to  be  an  appropriate  hour,  for  had  not  the  great 
army,  while  here,  been  in  shadow,  without  a  ray  of  sunshine 
to  gladden  our  souls  ?  and  we  had  been  here  so  long,  we  were 
beginning  to  be  forgotten  as  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  and 
letters  came  to  us  marked,  '  Army  of  the  Rappahannock.1 
As  we  marched  away  in  the  darkness,  our  joy  was  not  un- 
mingled  with  sorrow ;  for  was  there  a  veteran  in  the  ranks 
who  did  not  leave  behind  the  graves  of  noble  and  well- 
beloved  comrades,  who  had  fought  beside  him  from  the  be 
ginning  of  the  great  struggle?  We  did  not  march  away 
with  all  the  army.  When  our  camp  fires  —  which  on  this 
night  burned  with  unusual  brightness  —  went  out  and  left  the 
valley  of  the  Rappahannock  in  darkness,  the  living  army  was 
gone,  to  be  sure ;  but  twenty-five  thousand  of  our  members 
lay  over  on  the  other  side  of  the  river  —  the  heroes  of  Fred- 
ericksburg  and  Chancellorsville  : —  an  army  of  occupation, 
indeed ;  the  corps  of  honor,  forming  a  great  and  permanent 
camp  —  the  bivouac  of  the  dead." 

General  Hancock's  corps  held  the  position  of  rear 
guard,  and  its  route  to  Gettysburg  was  over  two  hun 
dred  miles  in  length.  Some  days  they  marched  fifteen, 
on  others  eighteen  miles ;  and  on  June  29  this  corps 
completed  the  longest  march  made  by  any  infantry 


128  LIFE    AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

during  the  war,  leaving  Frederick  City,  Md.,  in  the 
morning  and  halting  at  11  o'clock  at  night  two  miles 
beyond  Uniontown,  a  distance  of  thirty-four  miles. 
This  march  was  one  of  the  severest  as  well  as  the 
longest  of  the  Avar.  "On  one  day,"  writes  General 
Mulholland,  "  I  think  the  second  out  from  Falmouth, 
our  corps  lost  more  than  a  dozen  men  from  sunstroke  ; 
they  fell  dead  by  the  wayside.  On  another  day  we 
crossed  the  battle-field  of  Bull  Run,  where  the  year 
before  Pope  had  met  with  disastrous  defeat.  No  effort 
had  been  made  to  bury  the  dead  properly ;  a  little 
earth,  which  the  rain  had  long  ago  washed  away,  had 
been  thrown  over  them  where  they  fell,  and  their 
bodies,  or  rather  their  skeletons,  now  lay  exposed  to 
view.  In  some  parts  of  the  field  they  were  in  groups, 
in  other  places  singly,  and  in  all  possible  positions. 
One  cavalryman  lay  outstretched,  with  skeleton  hand 
still  grasping  his  trusted  sword.  Another,  half-cov 
ered  with  earth,  the  flesh  still  clinging  to  his  lifeless 
bones,  and  hand  extended  as  if  to  greet  us.  We  rested 
for  a  short  lime  on  the  field,  and  one  of  the  regiments 
of  our  brigade  (the  Twenty-eighth  Massachusetts) 
halted  on  the  very  spot  on  which  they  had  fought  the 
year  previously,  and  recognized  the  various  articles 
lying  around  as  belonging  to  their  own  dead." 

Under  the  thorough  discipline  of  General  Hancock, 
the  Second  Corps  made  this  march  bravely,  in  the 
heat  of  the  broiling  sun  of  the  hottest  month  of  our 
year ;  each  man  with  his  load  of  fifty-seven  pounds 
—  musket,  ammunition,  knapsack,  shelter-tent  and 
blanket — and  each  anxious  to  keep  up  with  his  regi- 


WINFIELD    SCOTT    HANCOCK.  129 

ment  lest  he  should  lose  the  fight.  And,  such  was  the 
respect  for  the  rights  of  civilians  and  of  property, 
inspired  in  these  men  by  their  gallant  commander,  that 
not  an  act  of  wantonness  was  committed  on  that  weary 
advance.  There  is  not  an  inhabitant  on  all  that  line  of 
march,  who  can  tell  of  a  single  act  of  vandalism  by  any 
of  the  men,  such  as  we  are  wont  to  hear  of  other 
irmies.  In  the  rich  and  cultivated  country  through 
which  they  passed,  life  and  property  were  respected  as 
much  as  though  it  were  in  the  halcyon  days  of  peace. 
Old  and  young  came  to  the  roadside  to  see  the  army 
pass,  and  knew  they  were  safe  from  insult  or  molesta 
tion.  The  fields  of  ripening  grain  waved  untrampled 
when  the  corps  had  gone  by,  the  men  even  going  out 
of  their  way  to  avoid  the  gardens  lest  they  should  step 
upon  the  flowers. 

In  this  way  Hancock  brought  up  the  rear  of  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac,  as  it  moved  from  the  Rappa- 
hannock  toward  the  then  uncelebrated  field  of  Gettys 
burg, 


130  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Gettysburg.— The  First  Day. —  Meade  arrives  at  Taneytown. —  The 
Advance  .Guard  strikes  the  Enemy. —  "For  God's  Sake  send  up 
Hancock." — Meade  puts  Hancock  in  command  at  the  Front. —  He 
arrives  at  the  Critical  Moment  and  Saves  the  Army. —  He  Selects 
the  Battle-ground  and  Disposes  the  Troops. —  Meade  Concentrates 
his  Army  for  the  Fight  of  the  Second  Day. 

HANCOCK  was  now  marching,  all  unconscious  of  the 
fact,  toward  the  field  on  which  he,  by  the  exercise  of 
his  soldierly  qualities  and  skill,  was  to  turn  the  fortunes 
of  the  great  battle  of  the  Rebellion  in  favor  of  the 
Union  arms.  For,  with  no  derogation  of  the  merits  of 
the  other  brave  men  and  skilful  commanders  who  fought 
through  those  terrible  three  days  at  Gettysburg,  it  is 
only  just  to  Hancock  to  let  the  record  show  the  fact 
that  it  was  his  magnetic  presence  which  rallied  the 
beaten  and  flying  commands  of  Howard  and  Sickles, 
his  skill  which  so  disposed  those  forces  as  to  hold  the 
position  against  the  Confederate  army,  and  his  clear 
foresight  and  quick  decision,  which  marked  out  the 
battle-ground  on  which  Meade's  victory  was  to  be  won. 

The  battle  of  Gettysburg  was  not  definitely  foreseen 
or  pre-arranged  on  either  side.  Lee  was  striking  for 
Harrisburg ;  Meade  was  hastening  to  intercept  him, 
and  had  planned  to  give  him  battle  on  Pipe  Creek.  As 
Lee  writes  in  his  official  report  of  the  Gettysburg  cam 
paign  :  "Preparations  were  now  made  to  advance  upon 


WINFIELD    SCOTT    HANCOCK.  131 

Ilarrisburg ;  but  on  the  night  of  the  28th  of  June, 
information  was  received  from  a  scout  that  the  Federal 
army,  having  crossed  the  Potomac,  was  advancing 
northward,  and  that  the  head  of  the  column  had  reached 
South  Mountain.  As  our  communications  with  the 
Potomac  were  thus  menaced,  it  was  resolved  to  prevent 
his  further  progress  in  that  direction  by  concentrating 
our  army  on  the  east  side  of  the  mountains." 

While  Lee  was  making  this  movement,  the  left  wing 
of  Meade's  army,  under  General  Reynolds,  which  was 
thrown  forward  in  advance  to  serve  as  a  mask  while 
position  was  taken  on  Pipe  Creek,  came  in  contact  with 
the  van  of  the  rebel  General  Hill's  command  on  the 
morning  of  July  1,  just  outside  the  town  of  Gettys 
burg. 

This  accident  determined  the  battle-field,  and  the 
result  of  the  contest  of  that  first  day  was  to  determine 
which  side  should  have  the  choice  in  the  disposition  of 
troops,  and  consequently  the  advantage  in  the  great 
struggle  between  the  grand  armies. 

It  was  Hancock  who  was  chosen  to  decide  this  in 
favor  of  the  Union. 

Meade's  headquarters,  with  the  main  body  of  his 
troops,  was  at  Taneytown,  fourteen  miles  from  Gettys 
burg.  There  the  rear  guard,  Hancock's  corps,  arrived, 
and  was  massed  on  the  morning  of  July  1,  1863.  The 
great  battle  had  already  begun  at  Gettysburg,  and  while 
Meade  was  consulting  with  Hancock,  and  explaining  to 
him  his  plans  for  the  expected  battle,  the  force  of  the 
Confederate  army  was  concentrating  upon  the  devoted 
corps  in  advance.  The  gallant  Reynolds  had  already 


132  LIFE   AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

fallen,  and  Buford,  after  making  a  wonderful  resistance 
with  his  small  force  of  cavalry  against  enormous  hordes 
of  infantry,  had  hastily  scratched  a  despatch  to  Meade 
in  the  note-book  of  his  signal  officer :  "  For  God's  sake 
send  up  Hancock.  Everything  is  going  at  odds,  and 
we  need  a  controlling  spirit." 

Hancock  was  the  "  controlling  spirit "  and  wise  adviser 
to  whom  all  turned  when  in  danger.  Meade  at  once 
sent  him  with  orders  to  assume  command  of  all  the 
troops  at  Gettysburg,  and  to  report  upon  its  advantages 
as  a  field  of  battle.  In  his  testimony  before  the  com 
mittee  on  the  conduct  of  the  war,  General  Meade 
says :  — 

"  About  one  or  two  o'clock  in  the  day  (July  1)1  received 
information  that  the  advance  of  my  army,  under  Major-Gen 
eral  Reynolds  of  the  First  Corps,  on  their  reaching  Gettys 
burg,  had  encountered  the  enemy  in  force,  and  that  the  First 
and  Eleventh  Corps  were  at  that  time  engaged  in  a  contest 
with  such  portions  of  the  enemy  as  were  there. 

"  The  moment  I  received  this  information,  I  directed  Major- 
General  Hancock,  who  was  with  me  at  the  time,  to  proceed 
without  delay  to  the  scene  of  the  contest,  and  make  an  exam 
ination  of  the  ground  in  the  neighborhood  of  Gettysburg, 
and  to  report  to  me  the  facilities  and  advantages  or  disad 
vantages  of  that  ground  for  receiving  battle.  I  furthermore 
instructed  him  that  in  case,  upon  his  arrival  at  Gettysburg, 
he  should  find  the  position  unsuitable,  and  the  advantages  on 
the  side  of  the  enemy,  he  should  examine  the  ground  criti 
cally  as  he  went  out  there,  and  report  to  me  the  nearest  posi 
tion  in  the  immediate  neighborhood  of  Gettysburg,  where  a 
concentration  of  the  army  would  be  more  advantageous  than 
at  Gettysburg." 


WINFIELD    SCOTT    HANCOCK.  133 

Hardly  had  the  news  of  the  unexpected  engagement 
reached  General  Meade's  headquarters,  when  another 
cloud  of  dust  was  seen  approaching  on  the  road  from 
Gettysburg.  Out  of  it  galloped  another  staff  officer, 
bringing  the  sad  story  of  the  death  of  Reynolds  and 
carrying  the  urgent  appeal  from  Buford  to  send  on 
Hancock.  General  Meade  says  :•— 

' '  At  one  o'clock  I  received  the  sad  intelligence  of  the  fall 
of  General  Reynolds,  and  the  actual  engagement  of  my 
troops  at  Gettysburg.  Previous  to  receiving  this  intelligence 
I  had  had  a  long  consultation  with  General  Hancock,  and 
explained  to  him  fully  my  views  as  to  my  determination  to 
fight  in  front,  if  practicable  ;  if  not,  then  to  the  rear  or  to 
the  right  or  left,  as  circumstances  might  require.  Anxious 
to  have  some  one  at  the  front  who  could  carry  out  my  views, 
I  directed  General  Hancock  to  proceed  to  Gettysburg  and 
take  command  of  the  troops  there,  and  particularly  to  advise 
me  of  the  condition  of  affairs  there,  and  the  practicability  of 
fighting  a  battle  there." 

It  is  a  curious  coincidence  that,  almost  one  hundred 
years  before  this  eventful  day,  the  grandfather  of  Gen 
eral  Hancock,  an  officer  in  Washington's  army,  was 
detailed  to  command  the  escort  which  left  this  same 
little  village  of  Taneytown,  in  charge  of  a  company  of 
prisoners  taken  from  Burgoyne,  to  take  them  to  Valley 
Forge. 

As  there  has  been  some  controversy  as  to  the  fact  of 
who  was  in  command  at  Gettysburg,  and  who  saved 
the  army  —  and  thereby  doubtless  saved  the  country - 
by  rallying  the  demoralized  and  flying  columns  and 
securing  the  position  for  the  battle  of  the  following 


134  LIFE   AND   PUBLIC    SEKVICES    OF 

day,  the  order  of  General  Meade,  under  which  Han 
cock  assumed  command,  is  here  given  :  — 

HEADQUARTERS  ARMY  OF  POTOMAC,      ) 
July  1,  1863  — 1.10  p.  M.  f 

COMMANDING  OFFICER,  SECOND  CORPS  : 

The  Major-General  commanding  has  just  been  informed 
that  General  Reynolds  has  been  killed  or  badly  wounded. 
He  directs  you  to  turn  over  the  command  of  }Tour  corps  to 
General  Gibbon ;  that  you  proceed  to  the  front,  and,  by 
virtue  of  this  order,  in  case  of  the  truth  of  General  Rey- 
nolds's  death,  you  assume  command  of  the  corps  there 
assembled  ;  viz.,  the  Eleventh,  First,  and  Third  at  Emmetts- 
burg.  If  you  think  the  ground  and  position  there  a  better 
one  to  fight  a  battle  under  existing  circumstances,  you  will 
so  advise  the  General,  and  he  will  order  all  troops  up.  You 
know  the  General's  views,  and  General  Warren,  who  is  fully 
aware  of  them,  has  gone  out  to  see  General  Reynolds. 
Very  respectfully, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

D.    BUTTERFIELD, 

Major-General  and  Chief  of  Staff. 

To  understand  the  importance  of  the  trust  thus 
placed  in  Hancock's  hands,  it  must  be  understood  that 
General  Meade  had  already  chosen  a  place  for  the 
expected  battle,  and  that  he  left  it  absolutely  to  Han 
cock's  judgment  whether  his  plans  should  be  entirely 
changed.  Also,  General  Meade,  at  this  supreme 
moment,  did  not  hesitate  to  place  Hancock  in  com 
mand  over  Howard,  his  senior.  It  was  no  time  for 
etiquette.  The  fate  of  the  army  was  at  stake,  and 
Hancock  was  everywhere  recognized  as  the  one  who 


WTNFIELD   SCOTT   HANCOCK.  135 

could  save  it.  On  the  point  of  superseding  his  two 
seniors,  Howard  and  Sickles,  General  Hancock  says  : 
w  I  did  not  feel  much  embarrassment  about  it,  because 
I  was  an  older  soldier  than  either  of  them.  But  I 
knew,  legally,  it  was  not  proper,  and  if  they  chose  to 
resist  it,  it  might  be  a  troublesome  matter  to  me  for 
the  time  being." 

The  moment  General  Hancock  received  the  above 
order,  he  turned  over  the  command  of  his  corps  to 
General  Gibbon  and  started  with  his  staif  for  the  bat 
tle-field. 

As  General  Hancock  proceeded  to  the  front  he  rode 
part  of  the  way  in  an  ambulance,  so  that  he  might 
examine  the  maps  of  the  country,  his  aid,  Maj.  W. 
G.  Mitchell,  galloping  ahead  to  announce  his  coming 
to  Howard,  whom  he  found  on  Cemetery  Hill,  and  to 
whom  he  told  his  errand,  giving  him  to  understand 
that  General  Hancock  was  coming  up  to  take  com 
mand. 

At  half-past  three  o'clock  General  Hancock  rode  up 
to  General  Howard,  informed  him  that  he  had  come  to 
take  command  and  asked  him  if  he  wished  to  see  his 
written  orders.  Howard  answered  :  "  No  !  no  !  Han 
cock,  go  ahead ! " 

At  this  moment  our  defeat  seemed  to  be  complete. 
Our  troops  were  flowing  through  the  streets  of  the 
town  in  great  disorder,  closely  pursued  by  the  Con 
federates,  the  retreat  fast  becoming  a  rout,  and  in  a 
very  few  minutes  the  enemy  would  be  in  possession  of 
Cemetery  Hill,  the  key  to  the  position  ;  and  the  battle 
of  Gettysburg  would  have  gone  into  history  as  a  rebel 


136  LIFE    AXD   PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

victory.  But  what  a  change  came  over  the  scene  in 
the  next  half-hour.  The  presence  of  Hancock,  like 
that  of  Sheridan,  was  magnetic. 

Schwerin  and  Saxe  were  said  to  be  worth  each  a 
reinforcement  of  ten  thousand  men  to  an  army ;  and 
the  Duke  of  Wellington  said  the  arrival  of  Napoleon 
on  a  battle-field  was  a  better  reinforcement  to  the 
French  army  than  the  accession  of  forty  thousand 
fresh  troops.  What,  then,  shall  we  say  of  the  value 
of  General  Hancock's  arrival  at  the  critical  moment  on 
the  battle-field  of  Gettysburg,  a  battle  that  by  common 
consent  is  now  admitted  to  have  decided  the  fate  of  the 
Union  and  fixed  the  final  result  of  the  war  ? 

Order  came  out  of  chaos.  The  flying  troops  halted 
and  again  faced  the  enemy.  The  battalions  of  Howard's 
corps,  that  were  retreating  down  the  Baltimore  pike, 
were  called  back  and  with  a  cheer  went  into  position 
on  the  crest  of  Cemetery  Hill,  where  the  division  of 
Stein wehr  had  already  been  stationed.  Wadsworths 
division  and  a  battery  were  sent  to  hold  Gulp's  Hill, 
and  Geary,  with  the  White  Star  division,  went  on  the 
double-quick  to  occupy  the  high  ground  toward  Round 
Top.  Confidence  was  restored,  the  enemy  checked 
and,  being  deceived  by  these  dispositions,  ceased  their 
attack.  Hancock  had  saved  the  day. 

Swinton,  describing  the  advent  of  Hancock  and  the 
turn  of  the  tide  of  battle  under  the  influence  of  his 
presence,  says: — "At  the  time  the  confused  throng 
was  pouring  through  Gettysburg,  General  Hancock  ar 
rived  on  the  ground.  In  such  an  emergency  it  is  the 
personal  qualities  of  the  commander  alone  that  tell. 


WTNTIELD    SCOTT   HANCOCK.  137 

If,  happily,  there  is  in  him  that  mysterious  but  potent 
magnetism  that  calms,  subdues,  and  inspires,  there  re 
sults  one  of  those  sudden  moral  transformations  that 
are  among  the  marvels  of  the  phenomena  of  battle.  This 
quality  Hancock  possesses  in  a  high  degree,  and  his  ap 
pearance  soon  restored  order  out  of  seemingly  hopeless 
confusion  —  a  confusion  which  Howard,  an  efficient 
officer  but  of  a  rather  negative  nature,  had  not  been 
able  to  quell.  Nor,  fortunately,  could  there  be  any 
question  as  to  the  right  position  to  be  taken  up,  for 
nature  had  already  traced  it  out  in  a  bold  relief  of 
rock.  On  the  ridge  of  Gettysburg  —  the  ridge  Rey 
nolds  had  mentally  marked  as  he  impetuously  hurried 
forward  to  buffet  the  advancing  enemy,  and  which,  by 
the  rich  sacrifice  of  his  life,  he  purchased  for  the  pos 
session  of  the  army,  and  for  the  possession  of  history 
forever  —  Hancock  disposed  the  remnants  of  the  two 
corps." 

General  Hancock  was  fully  aware  that  General 
Meade  had  determined  to  fight  the  battle  on  the  line  of 
Pipe  Creek ;  but  noting  the  topographical  advantages 
of  the  ground  around  Gettysburg,  he  determined  to 
advise  General  Meade  to  fight  there.  He  knew  that 
this  line,  the  crest  of  Cemetery  Eidge,  with  Culp's  Hill 
on  the  right,  Round  Top  on  the  left,  and  Cemetery  Hill 
in  the  centre,  could  not  be  bettered.  So,  when  order  had 
taken  the  place  of  confusion  and  our  lines  were  once  more 
intact,  he  sent  his  senior  aid,  Major  Mitchell,  back  to 
tell  General  Meade  that  he  could  hold  the  position  un 
til  nightfall,  and  that  in  his  judgment  Gettysburg  was 
the  place  to  fight  the  battle.  Major  Mitchell  found 


138  LIFE    AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

General  Meade  in  the  evening,  near  Taneytown,  and 
communicated  these  views.  General  Meade  listened 
attentively,  and  on  these  representations  he  fortunately 
concluded  to  abandon  his  idea  of  fighting  on  the  line 
of  Pipe  Creek,  and  deliver  the  battle  at  Gettysburg ; 
and  turning  to  Gen.  Seth  Williams,  his  Adjutant- 
General,  he  said :  "  Order  up  all  the  troops  ;  we  will 
fight  there." 

The  Second  Corps  promptly  followed  General  Han 
cock,  and  required  no  urging  to  keep  the  men  up. 
The  regiments  moved  forward  solidly  and  rapidly,  and 
not  a  straggler  was  to  be  seen ;  but  as  they  hurried 
along  a  halt  was  ordered,  the  ranks  opened,  and  an 
ambulance  passed  containing  the  body  of  the  heroic 
Gen.  John  F.  Reynolds.  Then  the  corps  pushed 
on  to  within  a  few  miles  of  the  battle-ground,  where  it 
camped  that  night  and  arrived  on  the  field  early  the 
next  morning. 

So  it  was  that,  on  the  first  of  the  three  memorable 
days  of  Gettysburg,  Hancock  was  the  means  of  chang 
ing  defeat  and  disaster  into  success  ;  and  so  it  was  that 
he  designated  the  field  on  which  the  greatest  and  most 
momentous  battle  of  the  Union  was  to  be  fought. 


WINFIELD   SCOTT  HANCOCK.  139 


CHAPTER  X. 

Gettysburg. —  The  Second  Day. —  Haiicock  in  command  at  the  Left 
Centre. —  Sickles's  Corps  cut  up. —  Hancock  to  the  Rescue. —  The 
Absolution  of  the  Irish.  Brigade. — Fight  for  the  Ridge  in  front 
of  the  Wheat-field. —  Hancock  protects  the  Situation.— He  holds 
the  Line  between  Cemetery  Ridge  and  Little  Round  Top. 

AFTER  posting  the  troops,  General  Hancock  turned 
over  the  command  to  General  Slocum,  his  ranking  offi 
cer,  who  arrived  in  the  evening. 

The  morning  of  July  2d  and  the  second  day  of  the 
battle  dawned  clear  and  bright,  and  found  Hancock 
posting  the  Second  Corps  on  Cemetery  Ridge.  As  yet 
no  one  in  that  corps,  with  the  exception  of  the  General 
and  his  staff,  had  heard  a  shot  fired.  As  the  troops 
approached  Gettysburg  the  day  before,  the  sounds  of 
the  fight,  owing  to  the  direction  of  the  wind  or  the 
formation  of  the  country,  were  wholly  inaudible. 
Those  who  came  upon  the  field  after  nightfall  had  no 
idea  of  the  whereabouts  of  the  enemy ;  but  as  the  day 
light  increased  and  objects  became  visible,  their  lines 
were  seen  nearly  a  mile  distant  on  Seminary  Ridge,  and 
away  to  the  left  rose  Little  Round  Top,  and  still 
farther  on  Round  Top. 

On  that  morning  the  entire  Union  army,  except  the 
corps  of  Sedgwick,  had  reached  Gettysburg,  and  the 
whole  Southern  force,  except  Pickett's  division  and 
Longstreet's  corps,  had  come  up.  The  line  of  battle 


140  LIFE   AND    PUBLIC   SERVICES    OF 

formed  by  the  army  was  in  the  shape  of  a  Limerick 
fish-hook ;  the  head  being  Little  Round  Top,  the 
point  at  Spangler's  Spring,  and  the  centre  of  the  curve 
where  the  Second  Corps  lay,  and  where  now  repose  the 
country's  dead.  This  position  of  the  Second  Corps  was 
the  key  to  the  whole  line ;  for,  once  broken,  both 
wings  of  the  army  would  be  separated,  if  not  de 
stroyed.  General  Longstreet  says,  in  his  version  of  the 
battle  of  Gettysburg,  that  "  the  enemy  did  not  see  the 
value  of  Cemetery  Ridge  until  the  arrival  of  Hancock." 

The  command  of  General  Hancock  on  this  day  was 
the  left  centre,  his  Second  Corps  being  posted  in  the 
rear  as  reserves.  The  battle  did  not  really  open  until 
afternoon ;  and  when  it  opened,  Hancock,  who  had 
devoted  careful  attention  to  the  disposition  of  his 
troops,  seemed  to  be  everywhere  with  them  in  the 
actual  contest. 

About  4  o'clock,  there  was  that  sharp  and  persistent 
fighting  on  the  left,  into  which  Sickles's  corps  marched 
so  bravely  and  in  which  it  suffered  so  terribly.  Han 
cock  was  called  on  for  aid,  and  he  at  once  sent  out  one 
of  his  divisions, —  General  CaldwelPs. 

The  Irish  brigade,  Col.  Patrick  Kelly,  which  had 
been  commanded  formerly  by  Gen.  Thomas  Francis 
Meagher,  and  whose  green  flag  had  been  unfurled  in 
every  battle  in  which  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  had 
been  engaged,  from  the  first  Bull  Run  to  Appomattox, 
formed  a  part  of  this  division.  As  the  large  majority 
of  its  members  were  Catholics,  the  chaplain  of  the 
brigade,  Rev.  William  Corly,  proposed  to  give  a 
general  absolution  to  all  the  men  before  going  into 


SCOTT    HANCOCK.  141 

the  fight.  While  this  is  customary  in  the  armies 
of  Catholic  countries  of  Europe,  it  was  perhaps  the 
first  time  it  was  ever  witnessed  on  this  continent ; 
unless,  indeed,  the  grim  old  warrior,  Ponce  de  Leon, 
as  he  tramped  through  the  everglades  of  Florida  in 
search  of  the  Fountain  of  Youth,  or  De  Soto  on  his 
march  to  the  Mississippi,  indulged  in  this  act  of  devo 
tion. 

Father  Corly  stood  upon  a  large  rock  in  front  of  the 
brigade.  Addressing  the  men,  he  explained  what  he 
was  about  to  do,  saying  that  each  one  could  receive  the 
benefit  of  the  absolution  by  making  a  sincere  act  of 
contrition,  and  firmly  resolving  to  embrace  the  first 
opportunity  of  confessing  his  sins  ;  urging  them  to  do 
their  duty  well,  and  reminding  them  of  the  high  and 
sacred  nature  of  their  trust  as  soldiers,  and  the  noble 
object  for  which  they  fought ;  ending  by  saying  that 
the  Catholic  Church  refuses  Christian  burial  to  the 
soldier  who  turns  his  back  upon  the  foe  or  deserts  his 
flag. 

The  brigade  was  standing  at  "  Order  arms."  A*  he 
closed  his  address  every  man  fell  on  his  knees  with 
head  bowed  down.  Then  stretching  his  right  hand 
toward  the  brigade,  Father  Corly  pronounced  the 
words  of  the  absolution :  -  "  Dominus  noster  Jesus 
Christus  vos  absolved,  et  eyo,  auctoritate  ipsiits,  vos 
absolvo  ab  omiri  vinculo  excommunicationis  et  interdicti 
in  quantum  possum  et  vos  indigetis,  deinde  ego  absolvo 
vos  a  peccatis  vestris  in  nomine  Patris,  et  Filii  et 
Spiritus  Sancti.  Amen." 

General  Mulholland,   speaking  of   this  occurrence, 


142  LIFE   AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

says  : — "  The  scene  was  more  than  impressive  ;  it  was 
awe-inspiring.  Near  by  stood  Hancock,  surrounded 
by  a  brillant  throng  of  officers  who  had  gathered  to 
witness  this  very  unusual  occurrence  ;  and  while  there 
was  profound  silence  in  the  ranks  of  the  Second  Corps, 
yet  over  to  the  left,  out  by  the  peach  orchard  and  Little 
Round  Top,  where  Weed  and  Vincent  and  Haslett 
were  dying,  the  roar  of  the  battle  rose  and  swelled  and 
re-echoed  through  the  woods,  making  music  more  sub 
lime  than  ever  sounded  through  cathedral  aisle.  The 
act  seemed  to  be  in  harmony  with  all  the  surround 
ings.  I  do  not  think  there  was  a  man  in  the  brigade 
who  did  not  offer  up  a  heartfelt  prayer.  For  some  it 
was  their  last ;  they  knelt  there  in  their  grave-clothes — 
in  less  than  half  an  hour  many  of  them  were  numbered 
with  the  dead  of  July  2.  Who  can  doubt  that  their 
prayers  were  good?  What  was  wanting  in  the  elo 
quence  of  the  priest  to  move  them  to  repentance  was 
supplied  in  the  incidents  of  the  tight.  That  heart 
would  be  incorrigible,  indeed,  that  the  scream  of  a 
Whit  worth  bolt,  added  to  Father  Corly's  touching 
appeal,  would  not  move  to  contrition." 

The  contest  at  this  point  was  for  the  ridge  in  front 
of  the  wheat-field,  a  location  known  to  every  one  of  the 
many  thousands  in  that  fight  as  one  of  the  bloodiest  of 
the  second  day's  contest.  As  Cald well's  division,  in 
response  to  Hancock's  orders,  advanced  to  the  relief  of 
Sickles,  approaching  the  crest  of  the  rugged  hill,  from 
behind  the  huge  bowlders  that  were  everywhere  scat 
tered  around,  the  men  of  Longstreet's  corps  rose  up 
and  poured  into  the  Union  ranks  a  most  destructive 


WINFIELD    SCOTT    HANCOCK.  143 

fire.  The  lines  were  not  more  than  thirty  feet  apart 
when  the  firing  opened.  Our  men  promptly  returned 
the  fire,  and  for  ten  or  fifteen  minutes  the  work  of 
death  went  on.  There  was  no  cheering,  no  time  lost 
in  unnecessary  movements.  Every  man  there,  both 
Union  and  rebel,  was  a  veteran,  and  knew  just  what 
was  wanted.  They  stood  there  face  to  face,  loading 
and  firing,  and  so  close  that  every  shot  told.  In  a 
short  time  the  brigades  of  Cross  and  Zook  began 
forcing  the  enemy  back,  and  after  firing  about  ten 
minutes  Colonel  Kelly  gave  the  order  to  charge.  The 
men,  rushing  forward  with  a  cheer,  were  among  the 
Johnnies  in  a  few  moments. 

Here  took  place  a  rather  extraordinary  scene.  In 
an  instant  our  men  and  their  opponents  were  mingled 
together.  In  charging  they  had  literally  run  right  in 
among  them.  Firing  instantly  ceased,  and  they  found 
there  were  as  many  of  the  enemy  as  there  were  of 
themselves.  Officers  and  men  looked  for  a  time  utterly 
bewildered  ;  all  the  fighting  had  stopped,  yet  the  Gray- 
backs  still  retained  their  arms,  and  showed  no  disposi 
tion  to  surrender.  At  this  moment  a  Union  officer 
called  out  in  a  loud  voice :  "  The  Confederate  troops 
will  lay  down  their  arms  and  go  to  the  rear !  "  This 
ended  a  scene  that  was  becoming  embarrassing.  The 
Confederates  promptly  obeyed,  and  a  large  number  of 
Kershaw's  brigade  became  our  prisoners. 

Of  this  division,  the  brigades  of  Kelly  and  Zook 
were  most  unfortunate.  By  ill-fortune  they  found 
themselves  surrounded,  with  one  rebel  line  of  battle  in 
front  and  another  behind,  and  the  only  way  out  of  the 


144  LIFE   AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

trap  was  to  pass  down  between  the  two  rebel  lines. 
So  the  two  brigades  started  on  a  double-quick,  firing 
as  they  ran,  toward  the  Little  Round  Top,  the  only 
opening  through  which  they  could  escape. 

Passing  through  this  alley  of  death,  where  the  bul 
lets  came  thick  as  hail,  they  got  away  with  a  large  part 
of  the  division  ;  but  the  loss  was  terrible.  In  the  half- 
hour  that  they  were  under  fire,  fourteen  hundred  men 
were  lost.  Of  the  four  brigade  commanders,  Cross 
fell  almost  at  the  first  fire  and  Zook  a  few  minutes 
afterward.  On  the  morning  of  that  day  General  Han 
cock  said  to  Colonel  Cross  :  "  This  is  the  last  time  you 
will  fight  as  a  Colonel ;  to-day  will  make  you  a  Briga 
dier-General."  Cross  answered,  firmly  and  sadly,  as 
though  he  felt  sure  of  what  he  said  :  "  No ;  it  is  too 
late,  General ;  I  will  never  wear  the  star.  To-day  I 
shall  be  killed." 

The  combat  at  this  point,  during  the  evening  of  July 
2,  was  of  a  most  sanguinary  character,  each  side  fight 
ing  with  a  dreadful  earnestness.  Four  or  five  of  our 
best  divisions  had  charged  over  the  same  spot,  and  were 
met  every  time  by  the  choice  troops  of  the  enemy  - 
both  determined  to  hold  the  ridge  in  front  of  the  wheat- 
field.  Until  toward  dark  the  fight  had  certainly  gone 
against  us,  and  the  battle  had  extended  along  the  line, 
to  the  right,  almost  half-way  to  the  cemetery.  The 
evening  and  our  prospects  grew  dark  together.  The 
Third  Corps  had  been  driven  back,  broken  and  shat 
tered,  its  commander  wounded  and  carried  from  the 
field.  The  troops  that  had  gone  to  its  support  fared  no 
better,  and  every  man  felt  that  the  situation  was  grave. 


WINFIELD    SCOTT    HANCOCK.  145 

However,  all  was  not  yet  lost.  Meacle  had  again 
thought  of  Hancock,  and  as  the  day  before  he  sent  him  to 
stop  the  rout  of  the  First  and  Eleventh  Corps,  so  again 
he  ordered  him  to  assume  command  on  the  left.  Once 
more  he  was  in  the  fight.  A  half-hour  of  daylight  yet 
remained,  but  it  was  long  enough  to  enable  him  to 
rally  some  of  our  scattered  troops,  face  them  once  more 
to  the  front,  gather  reinforcements,  drive  back  the 
enemy,  and  restore  our  broken  lines. 

Few  of  our  troops  slept  during  this  night.  The 
Second  Corps  went  back  and  was  put  in  position  on 
Cemetery  Eidge  by  General  Hancock,  who  all  the  night 
long  labored  to  strengthen  this  line.  The  men  gathered 
rocks  and  fence-rails,  and  used  them  to  erect  a  light 
breastwork. 

This  closed  the  second  day  of  the  great  battle ;  and 
Hancock,  who  had  saved  the  army  by  his  presence  on 
the  1st  of  July,  had  saved  the  critical  position  on  the 
2d.  On  the  fall  of  Sickles,  he  had  assumed  command 
of  the  Third  Corps  as  well  as  the  Second,  placing 
the  latter  under  the  immediate  orders  of  General  Gib 
bon,  and  established  his  headquarters  well  up  to  the 
front,  midway  between  Cemetery  Eidge  and  Little 
Eound  Top. 


146  LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 


CHAPTER  XI. 

Gettysburg.— The  Third  Day.— The  Storm  of  Fire.— Hancock's 
Wonderful  Deed  of  Valor.—  His  Ride  from  Left  to  Right  of  the  Lino 
and  back  again.- — The  Final  Desperate  Assault  of  the  Confederates. 
—  Hancock  Beats  Them  Back. —  Struck  Down  in  the  Moment  of 
Victory.— But  He  Saved  the  Day.— Thanks  of  Congress. 

AT  the  first  gray  dawn  of  the  morning  of  July  3 ,  the 
fight  was  resumed  on  Gulp's  Hill,  where  the  Confeder 
ates  had  effected  a  lodgment  the  night  before  ;  and  as 
the  clay  advanced,  the  artillery  joined  in,  and  the  battle 
at  that  point  became  earnest.  It  w^as  not  until  nine 
o'clock  that  the  cessation  of  the  firing  and  the  cheers 
of  General  Geary's  men  gave  notice  all  down  the  line 
that  the  enemy  had  been  driven  out,  and  that  we  were 
again  in  possession  of  that  point. 

Then  came  a  perfect  calm.  All  along  Hancock's  line, 
from  Cemetery  Hill  to  Hound  Top,  not  a  shot  had  been 
fired  that  morning.  The  fate  of  battle  had  reserved 

O 

Hancock  to  bear  the  terrible  brunt  of  the  final  desperate 
assault  on  which  was  to  depend  the  result  of  the  battle, 
and  to  gloriously  repulse  it. 

But  the  quiet  Avas  soon  to  be  broken.  About  noon 
there  could  be  seen  from  Hancock's  line  considerable 
activity  among  the  Confederates  along  Seminary  Ridge. 
Battery  after  battery  appeared  along  the  edge  of  the 
woods.  Guns  were  unlimbcred,  placed  in  position  and 
the  horses  taken  to  the  rear.  On  our  side  officers  sat 


WINFIELD    SCOTT   HANCOCK.  147 

around  in  groups,  and,  through  field-glasses,  anxiously 
watched  these  movements  in  their  front,  and  wondered 
what  it  all  meant.  Shortly  after  one  o'clock,  however, 
they  knew  all  about  it.  The  headquarters  wagons  had 
just  come  up,  and  General  Gibbon  had  invited  Han 
cock  and  staff  to  partake  of  some  lunch.  The  bread 
that  was  handed  around  —  if  it  ever  was  eaten  —  was 
consumed  without  butter ;  for  as  the  orderly  was  passing 
the  latter  article  to  the  gentlemen,  a  shell  from  Semi 
nary  Ridge  cut  him  in  two. 

Instantly  the  air  was  filled  with  bursting  shells  ;  the 
batteries  that  had  been  for  the  last  two  hours  getting 
into  position  did  not  open  singly  or  spasmodically. 
The  whole  hundred  and  twenty  guns,  which  now  began 
to  play  upon  our  lines,  seemed  to  be  discharged  simul 
taneously,  as  though  by  electricity.  And  then  for 
nearly  two  hours  the  storm  of  death  went  on. 

One  who  was  present  under  this  fire  fhus  describes 
it :  "  No  tongue  or  pen  can  find  language  strong  enough 
to  convey  any  idea  of  its  awfulness.  The  air  was  full 
of  missiles ;  streams  of  shot  and  shell  screamed  and 
hissed  everywhere ;  it  seemed  as  though  nothing  could 
live  under  that  terrible  fire.  Men  and  horses  were  torn 
limb  from  limb  ;  caissons  exploded  one  after  another 
in  rapid  succession,  blowing  the  gunners  to  pieces. 
The  infantry  hugged  the  ground  closely,  and  sought 
every  slight  shelter  that  the  light  earthworks  afforded. 
It  was  literally  a  storm  of  shot  and  shell,  like  the  fall 
of  raindrops  or  the  beat  of  hailstones.  Those  who  had 
taken  part  in  every  battle  of  the  war  never  had  seen 
anything  like  that  cannonade,  and  the  oldest  soldiers 


148  LIFE   AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

began  to  bo  uneasy  about  the  result.  Hundreds  and 
thousands  were  stricken  down ;  the  shrieks  of  animals 
and  screams  of  wounded  men  were  appalling ;  still  the 
awful  rushing  sound  of  flying  missiles  went  on,  and 
apparently  never  would  cease." 

It  was  then,  when  the  firmest  hearts  had  begun  to 
quail,  the  army  witnessed  one  of  the  grandest  sights 
ever  beheld  by  any  army  on  earth,  —a  deed  of  heroism 
such  as  we  are  apt  to  attribute  only  to  the  knights  of 
the  olden  time.  Suddenly  the  band  began  to  play  "The 
Star-Spangled  Banner,"  and  Hancock,  mounted,  and 
accompanied  by  his  staiF,  Maj.  W.  G.  Mitchell,  Capt. 
Harry  Bingham,  Capt.  Isaac  Parker,  and  Capt.  E.  P. 
Bronson,  with  the  corps  flag  flying  in  the  hands  of  a 
brave  Irishman,  Private  James  Wells,  of  the  Sixth  New 
York  Cavalry,  started  at  the  right  of  his  line,  where  it 
joins  the  Taneytown  road,  and  slowly  rode  along  the 
terrible  crest  in  front  of  the  line,  to  the  extreme  left  of 
his  position,  while  shot  and  shell  roared  and  crashed 
around  him,  and  every  moment  tore  great  gaps  in  the 
ranks  at  his  side. 

The  soldiers  held  their  breath,  expecting  every 
moment  to  see  him  foil  from  his  horse  pierced  by  a 
dozen  bullets.  It  was  a  gallant  deed,  and,  withal,  not  a 
reckless  exposure  of  life ;  for  the  presence  and  calm 
demeanor  of  the  commander,  as  he  passed  through  the 
lines  of  his  men,  set  them  an  example  which  an  hour 
later  bore  good  fruit,  and  nerved  their  stout  hearts  to 
win  the  greatest  and  most  decisive  battle  ever  fought 
on  this  continent.  Every  soldier  felt  his  heart  thrill  as 
he  witnessed  the  magnificent  courage  of  his  General, 


WINFIELD   SCOTT   HANCOCK.  149 

and  he  resolved  to  do  something  that  day  which  would 
equal  it  in  daring. 

There  could  be  no  fitter  subject  for  the  heroic  ballad 
than  this  incident,  which  has  thus  been  told : — 

"A  hundred  guns  —  yes,  fifty  more — 

Rained  down  their  shot  and  shell 
As  if,  from  out  its  yawning  door, 

Drove  the  red  blast  of  hell. 
The  hiss !  the  crash !  the  shriek !  the  groan ! 

The  ceaseless  iron  hail ! 
All  this  for  half  the  day.    I  own 

It  made  the  stoutest  quail 

"  But  sudden,  far  to  left,  we  heard 

The  band  strike  up  :  and  lo  ! 
Full  in  our  front  —  no  breath  was  stirred  — 

Came  Hancock,  riding  slow. 
As  slow  as  if  on  dress-parade, 

All  down  the  line  to  right 
And  back  again.    By  my  good  blade, 

Was  ever  such  a  sight  ? 

"  We  lay  at  length.    No  ranks  could  stand 

Against  that  tempest  wild ; 
Yet  on  he  rode,  with  hat  in  hand, 

And  looked,  and  bowed,  and  smiled. 
Whatever  fears  we  had  before 

Were  gone.     That  sight,  you  know, 
Just  made  us  fifty  thousand  more, 

All  hot  to  face  the  foe. 

"  You've  heard  the  rest     How  on  they  came ;. 

Earth  shaking  at  their  tread ; 
A  cheer ;  our  ranks  burst  into  flame ; 

Steel  crossed ;  the  foe  had  fled. 
Yet  still  that  dauntless  form  I  see, 

Slow  riding  down  the  line. 
Was  ever  deed  of  chivalry 

So  grand,  oh,  comrade  mine?" 


150  LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

Just  as  Hancock  reached  the  left  of  his  line,  the 
rebel  batteries  ceased  to  play,  and  their  infantry, 
eighteen  thousand  strong,  were  seen  emerging  from  the 
woods  and  advancing  up  the  hill.  Hancock  knew  the 
artillery  lire  had  been  intended  to  demoralize  his  men, 
and  cover  the  advance  of  their  infantry,  which  was  to 
make  the  real  attack.  Turning  his  horse,  he  rode 
slowly  up  his  line  from  left  to  right,  holding  his  hat  in 
his  hand,  bowing  and  smiling  to  the  troops  as  they  lay 
flat  on  the  ground.  Hardly  had  he  reached  the  right 
of  the  line  when  the  men,  who,  inspired  by  the  courage 
of  their  General,  could  now  hardly  restrain  themselves, 
received  orders  to  attack  the  advancing  rebels. 

Eighty  of  his  guns  then  opened  their  brazen  mouths  ; 
solid  shot  and  shell  were  sent  on  their  errand  of  de 
struction  in  quick  succession.  They  could  be  seen  to 
fall  in  countless  numbers  among  the  advancing  troops. 
The  accuracy  of  the  fire  could  not  be  excelled ;  the 
missiles  struck  right  in  the  ranks,  tearing  and  rending 
them  in  every  direction.  The  ground  over  which  they 
had  passed  was  strewn  with  dead  and  wounded.  But, 
on  they  came,  with  bayonets  flashing,  and  standards 
gayly  flapping  in  the  wind,  marching  steadily  across  the 
interval.  The  distance  was  nearly  a  mile,  too  great 
to  double-quick,  and  those  lines  of  gray  moved  on  in 
common  time,  but  with  a  steadiness  and  precision 
seldom  equalled.  The  gaps  in  their  ranks  were  closed 
as  soon  as  made. 

General  Mulholland,  in  describing  this  charge,  pays 
this  merited  compliment  to  the  bravery  of  the  Southern 
troops  :  "  Our  gunners  now  load  with  canister,  and  the 


WINFTELD   SCOTT   HANCOCK.  151 

effect  is  appalling ;  but  still  they  inarch  on.  Their 
gallantry  is  past  all  praise  ;  it  is  sublime.  Now  they 
are  within  a  hundred  yards.  Our  infantry  rise  up  and 
pour  round  after  round  into  these  heroic  troops.  At 
Waterloo  the  Old  Guard  recoiled  before  a  less  severe 
fire.  But  there  was  no  recoil  in  these  men  of  the 
South ;  they  marched  right  on  as  though  they  courted 
death." 

At  the  objective  point  of  the  Confederate  attack  was 
but  a  single  line  of  men,  two  ranks,  with  no  reserves 
in  sight ;  and  as  the  men  stood  there  in  one  feeble 
but  undaunted  line,  each  man  felt  that  he  must  die  in 
his  tracks  if  necessary,  as  a  break  in  the  line  would 
cause  a  defeat  of  the  army. 

As  the  enemy  came  nearer,  they  grew  more  excited ; 
and  inspired  by  their  officers  and  the  hopes  of  an  easy 
victory,  they  started  on  the  run,  rilling  the  air  with 
their  peculiar  yells.  But  when  they  reached  a  point 
where  musket-tiring  became  effective,  the  veterans  of 
the  Peninsula,  Antietam,  Fredericksburg,  and  Chancel- 
lorsville  poured  in  upon  them  such  a  volley  as  to  stag 
ger  them  and  throw  them  into  confusion.  This  was 
followed  by  a  rapid  fire  that  caused  them  to  fall  back. 

Pettigrew  followed  Pickett,  and  when  his  division 
came  in  range  he  received  like  treatment ;  but  the 
enemy  were  so  persistent  that  they  actually  obtained  a 
foothold  upon  the  Union  line,  and  in  some  places 
hand-to-hand  fights  took  place. 

General  Hancock  was  cveiy  where,  exposed  to  dan 
ger  arid  cheering  the  men  by  his  presence.  He 
detected  the  exposed  position  of  the  left  flank  of  Petti- 


152  LIFE    AND    PUBLIC   SEEVICES   OF 

grew's  division,  and  caused  a  flank  movement  that  re 
sulted  in  the  capture  of  many  prisoners  and  several 
stand  of  colors.  The  terrible  assault  was  beaten  back, 
and  the  battle  was  won.  A  few  of  the  Confederates 
here  and  there  ran  away  and  tried  to  regain  their  lines  ; 
but  many  laid  down  their  arms  and  came  in  as  prison 
ers.  Of  that  attacking  force,  five  thousand  men  sur 
rendered  to  Hancock's  troops,  and  thirty  stand  of  colors 
were  gathered  up  in  front  of  the  Second  Corps. 

It  was  then,  in  the  supreme  moment  of  triumphant 
battle,  that  Hancock  fell,  among  his  men,  at  the  front, 
on  the  line  of  Stannard's  Vermont  brigade.  He  was 
seen  to  reel  in  his  saddle,  and  was  helped  to  the 
ground  —  but  not  to  the  rear. 

"  Shall  we  not  carry  you  to  the  rear,  General  ?  "  in 
quired  Colonel  Vesey,  who  was  near  him. 

"No,  I  thank  you,  Colonel,"  said  Hancock,  waving 
his  hand,  even  in  pain,  with  the  grace  for  which  he  is 
noted.  "Attend  to  your  commands,  gentlemen;  I 
will  take  care  of  myself." 

So  he  remained  and  continued  to  direct  the  fight 
until  victory  was  secured.  Then  he  sent  Major 
Mitchell  to  General  Meade,  with  the  following  mes 
sage  :—  "  The  troops  under  my  command  have  repulsed 
the  enemy's  assault,  and  we  have  gained  a  great  vic 
tory.  The  enemy  is  now  flying  in  all  directions  in  my 
front."  The  aid,  in  delivering  this  message,  added  the 
information,  of  which  General  Meade  was  then  igno 
rant,  that  General  Hancock  was  desperately  wounded. 
General  Meade  sent  back  the  following  reply  :  "  Say  to 
General  Hancock  that  I  am  sorry  he  is  wounded,  and 


WINFIELD    SCOTT   HANCOCK.  153 

that  I  thank  him,  for  the  country  and  for  myself,  for  the 
service  he  has  rendered  to-day."  For  such  services  no 
thanks  and  no  reward  could  be  adequate.  Congress, 
by  joint  resolution,  three  years  later,  thanked  General 
Hancock  for  his  "gallant,  meritorious,  and  conspicuous 
share  in  that  great  and  decisive  victory ;"  but  the 
country  will  never  forget  how  much  it  owed  the 
salvation  of  the  Union  to  his  services  on  that  field. 


154  LIFE   AND   PUBLIC   SERVICES   OF 


CHAPTER    XH. 

After  Gettysburg.  —  General  Meade's  Report.  —  Hancock's  Fight 
"Terminated  the  Battle."  —  His  Opinion  of  the  Battle  and  its 
Results. — Hancock's  Wound.  —  The  Surgeon's  Story. —  His  Jour 
ney  Home. —  Invalid  Soldiers  carry  him  on  their  Shoulders  to  his 
Father's  House.  —  At  "  Longwood  "  with  his  Family. — He  Re 
turns  to  Duty.  —  Recruiting  the  Second  Corps.  —  Honors  to  Han 
cock  in  Northern  Cities. 

THE  battle  of  Gettysburg  decided  the  war  for  the 
Union ;  Hancock  decided  the  battle  of  Gettysburg. 
General  Meade,  in  his  official  report  of  this  battle, 
says  of  the  part  taken  by  Hancock  on  this  last  decisive 
day : — 

"  An  assault  was  made  with  great  firmness,  directed  prin 
cipally  against  the  point  occupied  by  the  Second  Corps,  and 
was  repelled  with  equal  firmness  by  the  troops  of  that  corps, 
supported  by  Doubleday's  division  and  Stannard's  brigade  of 
the  First  Corps.  During  this  assault,  both  Major-General 
Hancock,  commanding  the  left  centre,  and  Brigadier-General 
Gibson,  commanding  the  Second  Corps,  were  severely 
wounded. 

u  This  terminated  the  battle,  the  enemy  retiring  to  his 
lines,  leaving  the  field  strewn  with  his  dead  and  wounded, 
and  numerous  prisoners  in  our  hands." 

History  has  given  General  Hancock  his  due  as  the 
"directing  mind"  which,  on  the  first  day  of  the  battle 
evolved  order  out  of  confusion  among  the  broken  and 


WINFIELD    SCOTT   HANCOCK.  155 

flying  troops  of  Meade's  advance  and  placed  the  army 
in  the  position  where  it  could  fight  and  win  the  great 
battle  of  the  war ;  as  the  prompt  and  sagacious  com 
mander  who  on  the  second  day  saved  the  key  of  the 
battle-field  to  the  Union  army ;  and  as  the  valiant 
fighter  who,  by  his  personal  bravery,  inspired  his  troops 
to  repel  the  culminating  assault  on  the  third  and  last 
day,  and  win  the  battle  for  the  Republic.  General 
Meade  appreciatively  said :  "  No  commanding  general 
ever  had  better  lieutenant  than  Hancock.  He  was 
always  faithful  and  reliable." 

Twelve  years  later,  General  Hancock  wrote  thus 
generously  of  his  comrades  in  the  battle  of  Gettys 
burg  :  — 

' '  As  the  terrible  contest  at  Gettysburg  contributed  in  its 
results  probably  more  than  any  other  battle  of  the  war  to  the 
maintenance  of  the  Union  in  its  integrity,  so,  far  above  pri 
vate  interests  or  individual  reputations,  rises  the  great  renown 
won  on  that  field  by  the  grand  old  Army  of  the  Potomac. 

u  Cemetery  Hill  has  since  become  consecrated  ground. 
The  place  where  General  Howard  was  superseded  in  com 
mand  on  the  first  day  of  the  fight  is  now  covered  with  the 
graves  of  thousands  of  gallant  soldiers  whose  bones  lie 
buried  at  the  base  of  the  beautiful  monumental  column  which 
commemorates  their  fame.  Two  of  the  marble  statues  orna 
menting  the  pedestal  personify  War  and  Histoty.  War, 
symbolized  by  a  soldier  resting  from  the  conflict,  narrates  to 
Hisfowy  the  story  of  the  struggle,  and  the  deeds  of  the  martyr- 
heroes  who  fell  in  that  famous  battle.  In  remembrance  of 
those  noble  comrades  who  laid  down  their  lives  for  the  gen 
eral  weal,  it  were  simply  sacrilege  for  any  survivor  to  pour 
into  the  ears  of  History  an  incorrect  account  of  the  contest ; 


156  LIFE    AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES   OP 

still  more  to  assume  to  himself  honors  belonging  perhaps  less 
to  the  living  than  to  the  dead. 

' '  The  historian  of  the  future  who  essays  to  tell  the  tale  of 
Gettysburg  undertakes  an  onerous  task,  a  high  responsibility, 
a  sacred  trust.  Above  all  things,  justice  and  truth  should 
dwell  in  his  mind  and  heart.  Then,  dipping  his  pen  as  it 
were  in  the  crimson  tide,  the  sunshine  of  heaven  lighting  his 
page,  giving  '  honor  to  whom  honor  is  due,'  doing  even  justice 
to  the  splendid  valor  alike  of  friend  and  foe,  he  may  tell  the 
world  how  rain  descended  in  streams  of  fire,  and  the  floods 
came  in  billows  of  rebellion,  and  the  winds  blew  in  blasts  of 
fraternal  execration,  and  beat  upon  the  fabric  of  the  Federal 
Union,  and  that  it  fell  not ;  for,  resting  upon  the  rights  and 
liberties  of  the  people,  it  was  founded  upon  a  rock." 

The  scene  of  the  repulse  of  Longstreet's  grand 
charge  by  Hancock  was  indescribable.  In  front  of  the 
line  of  the  Second  Corps  the  dead  lay  in  great  heaps. 
Dismounted  guns,  ruins  of  exploded  caissons,  dead  and 
mutilated  men  and  horses  were  piled  up  together  in 
every  direction.  The  colonel  of  one  of  Pickett's  regi 
ments  lay  dead,  his  arms  clasping  the  body  of  his 
brother,  who  was  major  of  his  regiment.  They  were 
singularly  handsome  men,  and  greatly  resembled  each 
other.  Out  on  the  field  where  Longstreet's  corps  had 
passed,  thousands  of  wounded  were  lying.  There  was 
no  means  of  reaching  these  poor  fellows,  and  many  of 
them  lay  there  between  the  lines  until  the  morning  of 
the  5th. 

Many  noble  officers  and  men  were  lost  on  both  sides, 
and  in  the  camp  hospital  they  died  by  hundreds  during 
the  afternoon  and  night.  The  rebel  General  Armistead 
died  in  this  way.  As  he  was  being  carried  to  the  rear 


WINFIELD   SCOTT   HANCOCK.  157 

he  was  met  by  Capt.  Harry  Bingham,  of  Hancock's 
staff,  who,  getting  off  his  horse,  asked  him  if  he  could 
do  anything  for  him.  Armistead  requested  him  to 
take  his  watch  and  spurs  to  General  Hancock,  that  they 
might  be  sent  to  his  relatives.  His  wishes  were  com 
plied  with,  General  Hancock  sending  them  to  his 
friends  the  first  opportunity.  Armistead  was  a  brave 
soldier,  with  a  most  chivalric  presence,  and  came  for 
ward  in  front  of  his  brigade,  waving  his  sword.  He 
was  shot  through  the  body  and  fell  inside  of  our  lines. 
All  the  next  day,  July  4,  the  anniversary  of  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  the  army  lay  quiet, 
awaiting  events.  On  the  morning  of  the  5th  the 
enemy  had  disappeared.  Meantime  Hancock  had  been 
taken  to  the  hospital  and  his  wound  treated  as  well  as 
possible.  It  was  a  terrible  stroke.  Dr.  Alexander  N. 
Dougherty  was  Medical  Director  of  the  Second  Corps 
at  that  time,  and  he  tells  the  story  in  this  way :  — 

"When  General  Hancock  succeeded  General  Couch  as 
commander  of  the  old  Second  Corps,  I  became  his  Medical 
Director.  At  the  battle  of  Gettysburg  he  commanded  the 
First,  Second,  and  Third  Corps,  one-half  of  the  army.  In 
the  third  day's  fight  at  Gettysburg  he  was  wounded,  and  I 
was  sent  for.  I  found  him  lying  on  the  hill-slope,  under  a 
tree,  and  facing  the  enemy.  There  was  a  deep,  wide  gash 
in  his  leg,  near  the  groin.  In  the  wound  were  wood  splinters 
and  a  tenpenny  nail.  General  Hancock  was  anxious  to  know 
what  the  rebels  were  using  in  their  shells.  He  thought  he 
had  been  wounded  by  splinters  from  one  of  the  enem}*'s 
shells.  "We  put  him  into  an  ambulance,  and  I  lay  down  be 
side  him.  Then  we  drove  through  a  hot  fire  to  my  hospital. 


158  LIFE    AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES   OF 

Afterward  I  discovered  that  a  bullet  had  penetrated  his  sad 
dle,  and  then  lodged  in  his  thigh,  carrying  with  it  the  wood 
splinters  and  the  tenpenny  nail.  As  he  lay  in  the  hospital  in 
great  pain,  I,  at  his  dictation,  wrote  his  first  despatch  to 
General  Meacle  announcing  the  victory  won  at  Gettysburg, 
adding  to  the  despatch  that  the  defeat  would  be  turned  into 
a  rout.  He  was  calm,  patient,  and  heroic.  He  is  cqualry 
entitled  with  Meade  to  the  honor  of  the  victory  at  Gettys 
burg,  and  Meade  would  say  so  if  he  were  alive.  On  the 
night  of  the  second  day's  battle  a  council  of  war  was  held. 
It  was  proposed  to  fall  back  and  establish  the  line  of  battle 
at  Pipe  Creek,  but  Hancock  opposed  it.  He  argued  that  the 
army  should  stay  where  it  was,  and  he  said  that  the  Arnry  of 
the  Potomac  had  made  its  last  retreat,  and  should  fight  or 
die  on  the  line  where  the  battle  was  begun.  General  Meade 
finally  coincided  with  Hancock,  and  the  result  was  that  that 
great  victory  crippled  the  rebels  so  that  they  never  recovered 
from  it." 

General  Hancock  went  home  on  sick  leave,  wounded 
nigh  unto  death.  The  ball  which  tore  through  his  sad 
dle  and  made  that  cruel  wound  in  his  thigh  could  not 
be  found  by  the  surgeons,  and  it  was  still  in  his  body 
when  he  went  back  to  Norristown. 

He  travelled  as  easily  as  possible,  although  every 
movement  was  torture  to  his  shattered  limb.  A 
stretcher  was  laid  over  the  backs  of  the  seats  of  the 
railway  car,  and  thus  he  rode  into  his  native  town. 
Arrived  at  the  station  in  Norristown,  he  was  met  by  a 
detachment  of  the  Invalid  Guards,  who  tenderly  placed 
him  on  their  shoulders,  lying  on  the  stretcher,  and  car 
ried  him  through  the  streets  to  his  father's  house,  his 
boyhood's  home. 


WINFIELD    SCOTT   HANCOCK.  159 

It  was  a  deeply  moving  sight.  The  bright  and  fun- 
loving  boy  of  seemingly  a  few  years  ago  was  brought 
home  a  wounded  hero,  borne  on  the  shoulders  of  the 
men  whom  he  had  led  in  battle  for  their  country.  The 
doorways  and  windows  were  crowded  as  the  little  cor 
tege  passed,  and  people  did  not  cheer,  but  spoke  with 
voices  hushed  in  sympathy. 

General  Hancock  looked  like  a  dying  man  when  he 
was  brought  home  to  Norristown,  and  his  parents  and 
his  old  friends  were  oppressed  with  the  gloomiest  fore 
bodings  of  the  future. 

As  has  been  said,  the  ball  was  still  in  his  body.  The 
surgeons  at  the  army  hospital  had  probed  for  it  while 
the  General  lay  in  a  recumbent  posture ;  but  one  day 
the  family  physician  who  attended  him  in  Norristown 
had  a  bright  idea  and  asked  the  General  to  place  him 
self  as  nearly  as  he  could  in  the  position  which  he 
occupied  on  his  horse  when  he  was  hit.  The  General 
straddled  a  chair  and  did  so,  and  the  doctor  pushed  the 
probe  in  easily  and  found  the  ball.  It  was  lodged  close 
upon  the  bone,  which  was  more  or  less  splintered. 

The  work  of  extracting  the  ball  was  then  easy  ;  and 
when  this  was  done  General  Hancock's  recovery,  though 
slow,  was  steady. 

Indeed,  early  in  September,  hardly  more  than  two 
months  after  he  received  the  wound  on  the  bloody  field 
of  Gettysburg,  General  Hancock  was  able  to  leave 
Norristown  and  travel  toward  his  western  home,  where 
he  had  left  his  wife  and  children.  . 

He  travelled  by  easy  stages,  for  his  wound  was 
troublesome ;  but  always  his  chief  thought  was  how 


160  LIFE   AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES   OF 

he  might  return  to  the  field  and  engage  again  in  the 
work  that  still  needed  the  hands  of  patriots.  At  New 
York  we  find  him  writing  home  for  certain  military 
documents  to  be  forwarded  to  him.  At  West  Point  he 
stopped  for  consultation. 

It  was  a  tedious  and  painful  journey,  but  it  was 
lightened  by  the  enthusiastic  receptions  which  awaited 
the  wounded  hero  at  every  tarrying  place.  Every  one 
joined  to  do  him  honor ;  public  attention  welcomed 
him  on  every  side.  As  soon  as  possible  he  reached 
his  family  at  his  home  near  St.  Louis,  which  he  had 
named  "Longwood."  He  tells  in  a.  letter  home  how 
his  recovery  progressed  :  — 

LONGWOOD,  Mo.,  Oct.   12,  1863. 

MY  DEAR  FATHER:  —  I  threw  aside  my  crutches  a  few 
days  after  my  arrival,  and  now  walk  with  a  cane.  I  am 
improving,  but  do  not  yet  walk  without  a  little  "  roll."  My 
wound  is  still  unhealed,  though  the  doctors  say  it  is  closing 
rapidly.  I  find  some  uneasiness  in  sitting  long  in  a  chair, 
and  cannot  yet  ride.  The  bone  appears  to  be  injured  and 
may  give  me  trouble  for  a  long  time.  I  hope,  however,  I 
may  be  well  enough  in  two  weeks  to  join  my  corps. 

I  am  busy  in  trimming  up  the  forest  trees  in  the  lawn  of 
"  Longwood,"  which  covers  nearly  eleven  acres.  I  know  it  is 
not  the  best  time,  but  still  it  will  do. 

Alice  and  the  children  send  their  best  love  to  you  and 
mother.  Please  give  my  best  love  to  mother,  and  I  remain, 
as  ever, 

Your  affectionate  son, 

WINFIELD  S.  HANCOCK. 

But  General  Hancock  was  compelled  to  hold  his  eager 


WINFIELD    SCOTT   HANCOCK.  161 

soul  in  the  leash  of  patience  some  time  longer.  Ills 
commission  as  Major  in  the  regular  army  came  Nov. 
3,  1863,  but  still  he  was  too  feeble  to  return  to  duty. 
His  spirit  chafed  under  this  restraint,  and  although  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac,  with  his  own  gallant  Second 
Corps,  was  engaged  during  the  summer  and  fall  in  what 
was  termed  a  campaign  of  manoeuvres,  with  no  dis 
tinguishing  battles,  he  longed  to  be  with  them. 

It  was  not  until  December,  1863,  that  he  was  able  to 
enter  active  service  again.  He  was  then  ordered  to 
Washington  ;  and  although  his  Gettysburg  wound  was 
not  healed,  he  obeyed  with  alacrity,  reporting  to  the 
War  Department,  Dec.  27. 

The  army  then  being  in  winter  quarters,  General 
Hancock  was  sent  on  recruiting  duty.  Although  the 
Confederacy  was  on  its  last  legs,  it  still  had  vitality, 
and  its  leaders  were  persistent  in  their  struggle  for 
Southern  independence.  So  Hancock  was  given  author 
ity  to  increase  his  corps  to  fifty  thousand  effective  men , 
and  was  sent  north  to  stir  up  the  patriotism  of  the 
people  and  induce  enlistments.  His  headquarters  were 
established  at  Harrisburg,  and  he  immediately  set  to 
work  in  his  native  State,  issuing  the  following  address 
under  date  of  Jan.  15,  1864:  — 

To  THE  PEOPLE  OF  PENNSYLVANIA  : 

1  have  come  among  you  as  a  Pennsylvania!!,  for  the  pur 
pose  of  endeavoring  to  aid  you  in  stimulating  enlistments. 
This  is  a  matter  of  interest  to  all  the  citizens  of  the  State.  I 
earnestly  call  upon  you  all  to  assist,  by  the  exertion  of  all  the 
influence  in  your  power,  in  this  important  matter. 

To  adequately  reinforce  our  armies  in  the  field  is  to  insure 


162  LIFE    AND   PUBLIC   SERVICES   OF 

that  the  war  will  not  reach  your  homes.  It  will  be  the  means 
of  bringing  it  to  a  speedy  and  happy  conclusion.  It  will  save 
the  lives  of  many  of  our  brave  soldiers  which  would  be  other 
wise  lost  by  the  prolongation  of  the  war,  and  in  indecisive 
battles. 

It  is  only  necessary  to  destroy  the  rebel  armies  now  in 
the  field,  to  insure  a  speedy  and  permanent  peace.  Let  us  all 
act  with  that  fact  in  view. 

Let  it  not  be  said  that  Pennsylvania,  which  has  already 
given  so  many  of  her  sons  to  this  righteous  cause,  shall  now, 
at  the  eleventh  hour,  be  behind  her  sister  States  in  furnishing 
her  quota  of  the  men  deemed  necessary  to  end  this  rebellion. 
Let  it  not  be  that  those  Pennsj'lvania  regiments,  now  so  de 
pleted,  that  have  won  for  themselves  so  much  honor  in  the 
field,  shall  pass  out  of  existence  for  want  of  patriotism  in  the 
people. 

WINFIELD  S.  HANCOCK, 

Major-General  U.  S.  Volunteers. 

Hancock  was  pre-eminently  the  man  for  the  work  to 
which  he  was  set.  Bravest  among  the  brave,  loyal  to 
the  core,  wearing  already  the  wreath  of  victor  won  in 
the  hardest  battle,  a  stanch  Democrat,  a  soldier  who 
carried  a  yet  unhealed  wound  on  his  person,  and, 
beyond  all,  possessed  of  that  magnetic  power  which 
leads  men  captive,  he  had  a  success  which  few  others 
could  have  achieved  in  recruiting  the  waning  strength 
of  the  Union  Army. 

Philadelphia  tendered  him  a  public  reception,  placing 
the  historic  Independence  Hall  at  his  service  in  a  special 
vote  of  thanks  and  welcome  by  the  Select  and  Common 
Councils  of  the  city  government.  The  city  of  New 
York  placed  the  governors  room,  in  the  City  Hall,  at 


WINFIELD    SCOTT   HANCOCK.  1G3 

his  disposal  for  the  same  purpose,  and  received  him 
with  great  distinction.  At  Albany,  the  Legislature 
paid  him  an  official  tribute  of  respect  for  his  distin 
guished  services  to  the  country.  In  Boston,  the  Legis 
lature,  which  was  then  in  session,  invited  him  upon  the 
floor  of  the  House,  and  a  public  reception  was  given 
him  by  the  merchants  and  citizens  at  the  Merchants' 
Exchange.  The  people  then,  as  now,  looked  up  to 
him  as  one  of  their  heroes,  in  whose  wisdom  and 
energy,  no  less  than  in  his  valor,  they  trusted  the 
future  of  the  Republic.  No  wonder  that,  in  later 
years,  when  the  news  of  his  nomination  to  the  Presi 
dency  was  flashed  over  the  wires  throughout  the  land, 
the  people  rose  in  glad  recognition  of  the  leader  whom 
they  had  welcomed  on  his  patriotic  errand  during  those 
dark  days  in  the  winter  of  1863. 


164  LIFE   AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 


CHAPTER 

The  Wilderness.—  Grant  takes  Command  of  all  the  Armies.— The 
Army  of  the  Potomac  crosses  the  Rapidan. —  Hancock  Leads  the 
Advance. — The  Two  Days'  Fight  in  the  Wilderness. — The  Story  of 
One  of  the  gallant  Second  Corps. —  Hancock  leads  the  Charge 
against  Longstreet's  Men  over  the  Breastworks. 

IT  was  March  of  the  year  1864  when  Hancock  was 
again  called  to  take  command  of  the  corps  which  he 
had  so  valiantly  and  effectively  led,  and  which  he  had 
so  efficiently  recruited.  On  the  2d  of  that  month, 
Grant  had  been  confirmed  in  the  grade  of  Lieutenant- 
General,  and  on  the  10th  he  had  been  assigned,  by  a 
special  order  of  President  Lincoln,  to  the  command  of 
"  all  the  armies  of  the  United  States."  The  Army  of 
the  Potomac  had  been  recruited  up  to  a  high  standard, 
largely  through  the  efforts  of  General  Hancock,  and 
the  Union  and  Confederate  forces  lay  facing  each  other 
along  the  Rapidan. 

On  the  18th  of  March  General  Hancock,  still  actively 
engaged  in  recruiting  his  corps  at  Harrisburg,  Perm., 
wrote  to  his  father  :  "  I  have  just  received  an  order  from 
the  Secretary  of  War  to  report  without  delay  to  him 
for  instructions  prior  to  rejoining  my  command  in  the 
field.  I  have  but  time  to  notify  you  of  the  fact."  With 
this  modest  announcement  Hancock  set  out  on  the 
campaign  that  was  to  end  the  war  of  Rebellion. 

The  Second  Corps,  Hancock's  old  command,  was  still 


WINFIELD    SCOTT   HANCOCK.  165 

further  augmented  by  the  addition  of  the  gallant  Third 
Corps,  making  in  all  upwards  of  fifty  thousand  men, 
beside  which  the  General  had  under  his  command  part 
of  the  Fifth,  Sixth,  and  Ninth  Corps, — an  army  of 
veterans,  tried  by  fire.  Grant  had  in  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac,  as  reorganized,  a  movable  column  of  about 
one  hundred  and  forty  thousand  men ;  while  against 
him  was  Lee,  holding  Richmond,  with  an  army  whose 
rolls  at  this  time  shoAved  only  fifty-two  thousand  six 
hundred  and  twenty-six  men  of  all  arms.  The  hour 
had  come  in  which  the  Rebellion  could  be  crushed. 

On  the  3d  of  May  the  order  went  forth  that  the  Army 
of  the  Potomac  should  launch  forth  on  its  great  ad 
venture.  Lee's  army  occupied  the  bluffs  that  skirt  the 
south  bank  of  the  Rapidan  for  many  miles.  It  was  a 
position  impregnable  to  direct  assault,  and  Grant's  plan 
was  to  cross  the  river  by  the  lower  fords  and  turn  the 
right  of  the  Confederate  army. 

Hancock's  corps  left  Culpepper  Court-IIouse  on  the 
night  of  the  3d  of  May,  leading  the  advance  in  the  post 
of  honor  which  was  eminently  his  due.  They  crossed 
Ely's  Ford  on  the  morning  of  the  4th,  advancing  to 
Chancellorsville,  and  bivouacking  that  night  on  the  old 
battle-ground,  Avhere,  one  year  before,  they  had  fought 
a  losing  fight,  though  a  brave  one,  under  Hooker. 

On  the  following  day,  May  5,  the  long  fight  began, 
which  has  gone  into  history  with  the  name  of  the  Battle 
of  the  Wilderness.  Hancock  who  took  the  advance  of 
the  left  column,  pushed  on  far  ahead,  and  was  able  to 
secure  and  hold  a  strategic  point  on  the  Orange  plank 
road,  which  the  Confederate  General  Hill  endeavored 


166  LIFE   AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

to  capture.  About  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  the 
attack  was  made  in  the  midst  of  the  dense  growth 
which  gave  that  country  its  name  of  the  "Wilderness." 
The  fight  at  once  grew  very  fierce,  the  opposing  forces 
being  very  close  together,  and  the  musketry  continuous 
and  deadly  along  the  whole  line.  In  his  report  of  this 
battle,  Lee  makes  mention  of  "Hancock's  repeated  and 
desperate  assaults."  In  his  own  report,  Hancock  speaks 
of  the  close  and  deadly  character  of  the  combat,  and 
has  a  special  word  to  say  of  the  Irish  brigade,  under 
Colonels  Smythe  and  Brooks,  which  "attacked  the 
enemy  vigorously  on  his  right,  and  drove  his  line  some 
distance."  "  The  Irish  brigade,"  says  Hancock,  further, 
"was  heavily  engaged,  and  although  four-fifths  of  its 
numbers  were  recruits,  it  behaved  with  great  steadiness 
and  gallantry,  losing  largely  in  killed  and  wounded." 

Hancock  continued  his  efforts  to  drive  Hill  until  eight 
o'clock,  when  night  shut  clown  on  the  darkening  woods 
and  ended  the  struggle.  The  combatants  lay  on  their 
arms,  exhausted  after  the  fierce  struggle,  and  many 
corpses  in  the  tangled  brakes  and  bushes  told  of  the 
bloody  work  done  that  day. 

Thus  was  the  battle  of  the  Wilderness  opened.  It 
was  fought  in  a  country  whose  natural  features  were 
peculiarly  disadvantageous  for  the  movements  of  an 
army.  The  whole  face  of  the  country  was  thickly 
wooded,  with  only  an  occasional  opening,  and  inter 
sected  by  a  few  narrow  wood-roads.  But  the  wood* 
of  the  Wilderness  did  not  have  the  ordinary  features  of 
a  forest.  The  region  is  one  of  mineral  rocks,  and  for 
more  than  a  hundred  years  extensive  iron  mining  had 


WINFIELD    SCOTT    HANCOCK.  167 

been  earned  on  there.  To  feed  the  mines,  the  timber 
of  the  country  for  many  miles  around  had  been  cut 
down,  and  in  its  place  there  had  arisen  a  dense  under 
growth  of  low-limbed  and  scraggy  pines,  stiff  and 
bristling  chincapins,  scrub-oaks  and  hazel.  Swinton, 
in  describing  the  theatre  of  what  he  justly  calls  this 
singular  and  terrible  combat,  says,  :  "  It  is  a  region  of 
gloom  and  the  shadow  of  death.  Manoeuvring  here 
was  necessarily  out  of  the  question,  and  only  Indian 
tactics  told.  The  troops  could  only  receive  direction 
by  a  point  of  the  compass ;  for  not  only  wTere  the 
lines  of  battle  entirely  hidden  from  the  sight  of  the 
commander,  but  no  officer  could  see  ten  files  on  each 
side  of  him.  Artillery  was  wholly  ruled  out  of  use ; 
the  massive  concentration  of  three  hundred  guns  stood 
silent,  and  only  an  occasional  piece  or  section  could  be 
brought  into  play  in  the  roadsides.  Cavalry  was  still 
more  useless.  But  in  that  horrid  thicket  there  lurked 
two  hundred  thousand  men,  and  through  it  lurid  fires 
played ;  and,  though  no  array  of  battle  could  be  seen, 
there  came  out  of  its  depths  the  crackle  and  roll  of 
musketry,  like  the  noisy  boiling  of  some  hell-cauldron 
that  told  the  dread  story  of  death." 

Hancock  was  also  to  bear  the  brunt  of  the  battle  on 
the  following  day.  Both  armies  were  awake  early  to 
assume  the  offensive.  And  when,  at  five  o'clock,  Han 
cock  opened  the  attack  on  the  enemy  in  his  front,  he 
overpowered  the  Confederates,  and,  after  an  hour's 
severe  contest,  the  whole  hostile  front  was  carried,  and 
the  enemy  driven  a  mile  and  a  half  through  the  woods, 
under  heavy  loss,  back  on  the  Confederates'  headquar* 


168  LITE   AND    PUBLIC   SERVICES    OF 

ters.  Longstreet's  arrival  alone  saved  Lee's  army  from 
utter  and  complete  defeat  at  that  time.  Indeed,  the 
tables  were  nearly  turned ;  for  a  fire  in  the  woods, 
creeping  up  towards  the  breastwork  of  logs,  behind 
which  one  of  Hancock's  division  was  placed,  set  the 
works  ablaze,  and  drove  the  smoke  and  flame  back 
upon  the  men  with  such  fury,  that  they  were  unable  to 
fire  over  the  parapet,  and  the  enemy,  pressing  forward, 
planted  their  standard  on  the  breastworks.  Then  it  was 
that  Hancock  in  person  led  the  assault  of  his  gallant 
corps  and  drove  out  the  invaders  with  a  rush. 

One  of  those  who  fought  under  Hancock  in  the  Wil 
derness,  describes  this  battle  : — 

"  The  fighting  of  the  battle  of  the  Wilderness  commenced, 
as  you  remember,  on  May  5,  1864.  Our  combined  troops, 
known  as  the  Second  Corps,  were  given  a  central  position, 
with  a  plank  road  to  protect.  The  Fifth  Corps  was  on  our 
right,  and  the  Sixth  on  the  left.  For  three  days,  until  the 
8th,  our  positions  remained  unchanged.  On  that  clay  there 
was  little  fighting  in  front  of  us,  and  there  was  no  evidence 
that  we  would  be  disturbed.  But  General  Hancock's  fore 
sight  on  this  occasion,  as  on  many  others,  did  not  assert  itself 
in  vain.  All  day  long,  under  his  orders,  we  were  bus}'  in 
intrenching  ourselves.  During  the  day  General  Seclgwick,  of 
the  Fifth  Corps,  came  riding  along  with  his  staff  and  saw  us 
at  work. 

"  '  What  in  the  hell  are  you  doing  there?'  he  said,  in  his 
brusque  way. 

"  '  I  am  expecting  an  assault,'  replied  Hancock. 

"  '  But  there  will  be  none,'  Sedgwick  answered  ;  '  the  fight 
ing  will  be  over  there  on  the  right.' 

"  '  That  ma}r  be,'  replied  Hancock,  quietly,  '  but  I'm  going 
to  be  ready.' 


WINFIELD    SCOTT    HANCOCK.  169 

44 '  What  can  you  do  with  a  single  corps?'  persisted Scdg- 
wick ;  '  if  the  rebels  come  here  they  will  bring  their  whole 
army.' 

"' Well,' said  General  Hancock,  'let  them  come.  1  am 
going  to  hold  this  road.' 

"  It  seemed  to  me  that  the  whole  rebel  army  did  come. 
About  four  o'clock  that  very  day,  Hill's  and  Longstrect's  corps 
were  massed  against  us  and  fought  for  three  hours.  We  were 
almost  driven  out  of  our  position.  Many  of  our  troops  had 
already  turned  to  run,  and  defeat  seemed  imminent.  But  we 
finally  rallied,  and  stopped  the  advancing  enemy.  A  few 
moments  more  and  the  gray  coats  were  in  turn  retreating. 

4 '  Over  our  works  went  Hancock,  leading  the  pursuit,  and  we 
following  him  closely.  We  drove  them  about  a  mile  and  a 
half  back,  into  the  very  centre  of  their  position.  That  was 
the  close  of  the  battle  of  the  AVilderness.  That  night  the 
Confederate  army  retreated  to  Spottsylvania. 

"Hancock  on  that  day  was  here,  there,  and  everywhere, 
directing  our  movements.  I  don't  know  how  he  ever  came  to 
expect  that  attack  ;  but  he  was  ready.  I  suppose  it  was  his 
wonderful  foresight.  All  day  long  he  hurried  us,  and  was 
continually  warning  us  that  the  earthworks  would  not  be 
completed  in  time  to  protect  us." 

This  practically  ended  the  battle  of  the  Wilderness. 
Hancock,  as  usual,  had  occupied  the  post  of  danger 
and  of  honor;  he  had  driven  the  enemy  before  him, 
had  suffered  severely,  and  had  wrested  success  out  of 
the  jaws  of  defeat  by  one  of  those  superb  exhibitions 
of  personal  valor  which  add  such  brilliancy  to  his  grand 
military  genius. 

When  tbe  third  day,  May  7,  dawned,  neither  army 
cared  to  take  the  initiative,  and  a  cavalry  combat  at 


170  LIFE    AtfD    PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

Todd's  Farm  was  the  only  incident.  Tens  of  thousands 
of  dead  and  wounded,  in  blue  and  in  gray,  lay  in  the 
thick  woods.  The  Union  loss  exceeded  fifteen  thou 
sand ;  the  Confederates  lost  about  eight  thousand.  Such 
was  the  cruel  ending  of  this  strange  and  horrible  battle, 
which  no  man  could  see,  whose  progress  could  be  fol 
lowed  only  by  the  ear  as  the  sharp  and  crackling  vol 
leys  of  musketry,  and  the  alternate  Union  cheer  and 
Confederate  yell,  told  how  the  fight  surged  and  swelled. 
But  Hancock  still  held  his  advanced  position.  Lee 
had  lost  Longstreet,  dangerously  wounded  by  the  fire 
of  his  own  men,  and  Grant  determined  to  go  on  toward 
Richmond.  Hancock  pushed  forward  his  advance  on 
Sunday,  May  8,  and  the  entire  line  followed. 


WTNMELD   SCOTT   HANCOCK.  171 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

Spottsylvania.  —  Hancock  fights  the  Battle  of  the  Po.  —  General 
Sedgwick's  Death.  —  The  Bloodiest  Battle  of  the  War.  —  Hancock 
Takes  and  Holds  the  Famous  "  Salient  Angle."  —  "A  Morning  Call" 
on  General  Johnson.  —  Hancock's  Retort.  —  Accounts  of  the  Spott 
sylvania  Fight  by  Eye-witnesses. 

GRANT'S  purpose  was  to  move  southward  from  the 
Wilderness  and  plant  himself  between  Lee's  army  and 
Richmond  by  a  movement  upon  Spottsylvania  Court- 
House,  fifteen  miles  distant.  But  Lee  was  too  quick 
for  him,  and  on  Monday,  May  9,  the  Confederates  had 
taken  possession  of  Spottsylvania  Court-House,  planted 
their  army  across  Grant's  line  of  march,  and  drawn  up 
on  Spottsylvania  Ridge  a  bulwark  of  defence  where,  for 
twelve  days,  they  were  able  to  hold  in  check  the  Army 
of  the  Potomac. 

This  army  was  all  brought  into  position  on  the  9th, 
and  although  no  engagement  occurred,  the  enemy's 
sharp-shooters  brought  down  an  illustrious  victim  in 
the  person  of  General  Sedgwick,  commanding  the 
Sixth  Corps,  who  was  shot  while  standing  on  the 
breastworks  along  his  line,  and  almost  instantly  expired. 

These  sharpshooters  were  perched  in  the  forest- 
trees  above  the  heads  and  out  of  sight  of  the  Union 
skirmishers,  and  played  havoc  along  our  line.  One 
who  stood  by  General  Sedgwick  when  he  fell,  describes 
the  scene : — 


172  LIFE   AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

* '  A  little  hum  of  leaden  bees  about  the  advanced  line  of 
breastworks  caused  the  soldiers  to  dodge  and  duck  their 
heads.  The  General  smiled  at  them  good-naturedly  ;  he  had 
a  winning  smile.  Finally  one  bee  hummed  so  near  a  poor 
Irishman's  auricle  that  he  dropped  down  upon  his  face.  Gen 
eral  Sedgwick  touched  him  with  his  foot  in  humorous  dis 
dain  :  '  Pooh,  pooh,  man !  Who  ever  heard  of  a  soldier 
dodging  a  bullet !  Why,  they  couldn't  hit  an  elephant  at  this 
distance !  '  There  was  a  laugh  at  this,  even  though  the 
straggling  bees  yet  hummed  unpleasantly  around.  The  Gen 
eral  was  still  smiling  over  the  banter,  when  Colonel  McMahon 
heard  the  buzz  of  a  bullet  culminate  in  what  seemed  an 
explosion  close  beside  him.  '  That  must  have  been  an  ex 
plosive  bullet,  General.'  No  answer.  But  as  the  face  of 
General  Sedgwick  slightly  turned  toward  the  beloved  officer 
at  his  side,  a  curious,  sad,  not  despairing,  but  almost  con 
tented  smile  was  upon  it.  Another  moment,  and  the  form  of 
the  General  fell  helplessly  backward.  It  was  caught  by 
Colonel  McMahon  as  it  fell.  A  ball  had  entered  the  face 
just  below  the  left  eye,  pierced  the  brain,  and  passed  out  at 
the  back  of  the  head.  He  never  spoke  afterward,  though  he 
breathed  softly  for  awhile." 

During  the  afternoon  Hancock  was  directed  to  make 
a  movement  across  the  Eiver  Po  for  the  purpose  of 
capturing  a  Confederate  wagon-train ;  where,  on  the 
following  day,  having  been  recalled  to  assist  in  an 
attack  on  another  position,  Hancock  repulsed  a  despe 
rate  assault  of  the  enemy.  During  the  heat  of  the 
contest,  the  woods  in  the  rear  of  the  troops,  between 
them  and  the  river,  took  fire  ;  and  in  the  midst  of  these 
appalling  perils,  with  a  fierce  foe  in  front  and  a  blazing 
forest  behind,  Hancock  not  only  repelled  the  enemy, 


WINFIELD    SCOTT    HANCOCK.  173 

but  conducted  his  command  across  the  river.  Here 
he  lost  the  first  gun  that  the  Second  Corps  had  ever 
abandoned  on  the  field.  It  was  left  behind  in  con 
sequence  of  being  sunk  in  a  marsh. 

Hot  work  awaited  Hancock  on  his  return.  The  hill 
which  he  was  to  assault,  in  conjunction  with  Warren's 
corps,  was,  as  he  states  in  his  report,  the  most  formid 
able  point  along  the  enemy's  whole  front.  Its  densely 
wooded  crest  was  crowned  with  earthworks,  while  the 
approach,  which  was  swept  by  artillery  and  musketry 
fire,  was  rendered  more  difficult  and  hazardous  by  a 
heavy  growth  of  cedars, — mostly  dead, — the  long, 
bayonet-like  branches  of  which,  interlaced  and  pointing 
in  all  directions,  presented  an  almost  impassable  barrier 
to  the  advance  of  a  line  of  battle.  Hancock  led  the 
assault  at  five  o'clock  in  the  afternoon ;  and  although 
he  returned  again  and  again  to  the  attack,  and  the  men 
even  entered  the  enemy's  breastworks  at  one  or  two 
points,  the  task  was  an  impossible  one. 

Finding  that  he  could  not  succeed  against  Lee's  left, 
Grant  resolved  to  make  a  sudden  sally  against  his  right 
centre,  and  Hancock's  corps  was  again  chosen  to  lead 
the  way,  the  rest  of  the  army  in  support. 

On  the  night  of  May  11,  Hancock  moved  his  men 
into  position ;  and  at  half-past  four  o'clock  the  next 
morning,  as  soon  as  the  faint  dawn  permitted  the  direc 
tion  of  advance  to  be  seen  through  thick  fog  which 
prevailed,  he  moved  forward.  He  advanced  by  the 
compass,  no  landmarks  being  visible  in  the  fog  and 
the  thicket,  and  without  firing  a  shot  captured  the  Con 
federate  pickets.  Then,  taking  the  double-quick,  the 


174  LIFE   AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

troops,  with  a  ringing  cheer,  rolled  like  a  resistless 
wave  into  the  enemy's  works,  tearing  away  with  their 
hands  what  abatis  there  was  in  front  of  the  intrench- 
ments,  and  carried  the  line  at  all  points.  Inside  the 
intrenchments  there  ensued  a  savage  hand-to-hand 
combat  with  the  bayonet  and  clubbed  muskets. 

The  fight  was  of  short  duration,  resulting  in  the 
capture  of  General  Johnson  and  nearly  the  whole  of 
his  division,  four  thousand  men,  twenty  pieces  of  artil 
lery,  and  thirty  colors.  The  rest  of  the  force  fled  to 
the  rear  in  great  confusion. 

The  point  where  Hancock  struck  the  enemy's  line  of 
works  was  where  it  formed  what  is  called  a  salient ; 
and,  having  burst  open  this  angle,  Hancock  had  driven 
a  wedge  between  the  right  and  centre  of  the  enemy, 
and  was  in  a  position  to  rive  asunder  the  Confederate 
army.  Lee  made  no  less  than  five  desperate  assaults 
to  regain  this  position ;  but  Hancock  was  ably  sup 
ported,  and  the  enemy  was  successfully  repulsed. 

Speaking  of  this  affair,  Swinton  says  that  "  of  all 
the  struggles  of  the  war,  this  was  perhaps  the  fiercest 
and  most  deadly.  Frequently  throughout  the  conflict, 
so  close  was  the  contest  that  the  rival  standards  were 
planted  on  opposite  sides  of  the  breastworks.  The 
enemy's  most  savage  sallies  were  directed  to  retake  the 
famous  salient  which  was  now  become  an  angle  of  death, 
and  presented  a  spectacle  ghastly  and  terrible.  On 
the  Confederate  side  of  the  works  lay  many  corpses 
of  those  who  had  been  bayoneted  by  Hancock's  men 
when  they  first  leaped  the  intrenchments.  To  these 
were  constantly  added  the  bravest  of  those  who,  in  the 


WINFIELD    SCOTT    HANCOCK.  175 

assaults  to  recapture  the  position,  fell  at  the  margin  of 
the  works,  till  the  ground  was  literally  covered  with 
piles  of  dead,  and  the  woods  in  front  of  the  salient 
were  one  hideous  Golgotha."  It  is  further  stated  that 
the  musketry  fire  was  so  terrible  as  to  kill  the  whole 
forest  within  its  range,  trees  even  eighteen  inches  in 
diameter  being  cut  clean  in  two  by  the  bullets. 

At  midnight,  after  twenty  hours  of  combat,  Lee  with 
drew  his  bleeding  lines.  And,  although  the  loss  on  the 
Union  side  was  terrible,  Hancock's  victory  had  a  moral 
effect  upon  the  army  which  was  worth  all  it  cost. 

The  story  of  his  fight,  as  told  by  one  of  the  officers 
serving  under  Hancock,  gives  some  entertaining  inci 
dents  as  observed  by  an  actor  in  and  an  eye-witness  of 
the  battle  :  — 

"  We  were  on  the  extreme  right  on  the  Po  River.  We 
fought  there  on  the  10th  and  llth  without  changing  our  posi 
tions.  The  Confederates  were  intrenched  on  some  of  the 
hills  that  ran  around  in  the  form  of  a  crescent.  We  were  on 
the  outside  of  this  crescent,  and  they  on  the  inside.  We  got 
rather  the  worst  of  it  during  the  two  days'  fighting. 

''On  the  evening  of  the  llth,  about  six  o'clock,  Hancock 
sent  word  to  each  of  his  division  commanders,  that  he  had 
orders  to  go  to  the  extreme  left.  I  was  informed  at  the  time, 
and  on  good  authority,  that  Hancock  went  directly  to  Grant, 
and  received  permission  to  make  the  move.  That  was  the 
understanding  then  and  afterwards,  anyway,  in  our  corps. 
We  did  not  know  how  this  manoeuvre  would  result,  but  we 
were  willing  to  trust  any  stratagem  of  our  commander.  So 
all  night  long  we  marched  quietly  around  the  entire  army. 
Our  line  then  extended  about  eight  miles. 

"  We  reached  the  extreme  point  on  the  left,  indicated  by 


176  LIFE   AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

Hancock,  about  four  A.  ar.,  on  the  12th.  It  was  just  in  the 
gray  of  the  morning.  We  were  then  entirely  cut  off  from  the 
balance  of  our  army,  and  were  on  the  right  of  the  enemy. 
General  Hancock  massed  his  corps  into  three  lines,  and 
started  the  charge  at  a  quarter  past  four. 

"Up  the  side  of  the  hill  we  went,  hurriedly  and  quietly. 
About  half  a  mile  from  the  intrenched  lines  of  the  enemy  we 
encountered  their  pickets.  Every  man  was  captured  without 
firing  a  gun.  Advancing,  we  took  their  first  line  without  a 
sound.  The  second  line  made  some  resistance  ;  but  we  cap 
tured  them  with  but  little  difficulty,  and  charged  their  third 
and  last  line  with  equal  success.  It  was  a  complete  surprise 
to  the  enemy.  "We  were  only  thirty  minutes  from  the  time 
we  started,  until  we  reached  the  very  heart  of  the  enemy's 
camp.  It  was  one  of  the  most  brilliant  and  successful  moves 
of  the  war. 

"I  was  the  witness  of  a  little  incident  on  that  occasion, 
which  might  be  interesting.  When  we  had  captured  the  third 
line,  General  Hancock,  who,  as  usual,  was  leading  us,  rode 
up  to  the  headquarters  of  General  Johnson,  who  was  com 
manding  the  division  of  the  enemy  we  had  assaulted.  I  for 
get  his  first  name,  but  I  remember  that  he  and  Hancock  were 
classmates  at  West  Point.  An  orderly  stood  outside  the  tent. 
I  was  standing  near  by  at  the  time  and  saw  Hancock  when 
he  rode  up. 

"  '  Is  General  Johnson  in?'  he  asked  of  the  orderly,  who 
replied  in  the  affirmative. 

"'Ask  him  to  step  out,'  said  Hancock;  and  presently 
Johnson  appeared,  buttoning  up  his  clothes,  for  he  was  not 
yet  dressed. 

"  'I  have  come,  to  make  you  a  morning  call,'  remarked 
our  general,  pleasantly,  at  the  same  time  extending  his  hand. 
But  Johnson  was  furious. 

"  4 1  cannot  take  your  hand  on  such  an  occasion  as  this,' 
he  exclaimed,  angrily. 


WINFIELD    SCOTT    HANCOCK.  177 

"  ;  Oh,  well,'  answered  General  Hancock,  '  you  can  do 
just  as  you  please  ;  only  I  thought  I  would  like  to  make  just 
as  pleasant  a  job  of  this  as  possible.  Under  other  circum 
stances  I  would  not  have  offered  you  my  hand.' 

"  In  this  retort  the  character  of  the  man  revealed  itself  in 
strong  colors.  He  respected  misfortune  in  any  man,  but 
could  not  be  friendly  to  a  rebel  in  arms. 

' '  Then  the  defeated  general  was  turned  over  to  some  staff 
officer  and  carried  to  the  rear. 

"  Having  gained  this  position,  we  had  to  keep  it.  Fearing 
an  attack,  we  immediately  commenced  to  intrench  ourselves. 
About  two  hours  afterwards,  the  enemy's  troops  came  upon 
us  in  a  solid  mass,  under  cover  of  their  artillery.  Hancock 
was  going  everywhere,  talking  to  our  troops. 

u  '  Boys,'  said  he,  '  we  have  captured  this  position  and  we 
must  hold  it.  If  we  let  them  have  this  place  they  will  serve 
us  worse  than  we  did  them.  It  will  be  death  for  every  man 
of  you.' 

"We  stayed  there.  All  day  long  they  kept  firing  upon 
us,  but  by  nine  o'clock  that  night  the  guns  died  down.  Next 
morning  the  Confederates  had  departed  and  were  on  their 
way  to  Cold  Harbor.  This  occasion  was  known  as  Han 
cock's  great  charge  at  Spottsylvania." 

A  war  correspondent  describes  the  terrible  conflict 
over  the  salient  angle  in  the  enemy's  works  which 
Hancock  had  taken  and  was  holding  :  — 

"A  battle  raged  over  those  intrenchments,  the  intense 
fury  and  heroism  and  horror  of  which  it  is  simply  impossible 
to  describe  at  all.  Five  distinct,  savage,  tremendous  charges 
were  made  by  the  enemy  to  retake  that  position.  The  lines 
of  both  armies  met  in  a  continual  death-grapple  in  and  to  the 
right  of  the  angle  of  death  taken  in  the  morning.  To  have 


178  LIFE    AND    PUBLIC   SERVICES    OF 

looked  down  on  that  battle  from  u  height  would  have  been 
like  gazing  into  the  smoke  and  din  of  an  earthquake.  Col 
umn  after  column  of  the  enemy  penetrated  to  the  very  face 
of  the  breastwork,  to  be  hewn  down  and  sent  back  like  a 
broken  wave.  Column  after  column  still  came  on,  dealing 
death  and  meeting  it,  and  making  way  for  other  columns, 
and  others  still ;  and  all  the  day  long,  against  this  rush  of  a 
foe  that  seemed  disdainful  of  life,  the  angle  was  held  by 
our  troops,  fighting,  falling,  but  unyielding,  to  the  close. 
When  the  night  came,  the  angle  of  those  works,  where  the 
battle  had  been  the  hottest,  and  from  which  the  enemy  had 
been  finally  driven,  had  a  spectacle,  for  whoever  cared  to 
look,  that  would  never  have  enticed  his  gaze  again.  Men 
in  hundreds,  killed  and  wounded  together,  were  piled  in  hid 
eous  heaps,  some  bodies  that  had  lain  for  hours  under  the  con 
centric  fire  of  the  battle  being  perforated  with  wounds.  The 
writhing  of  wounded  beneath  the  dead  moved  these  masses 
at  times  ;  at  times  a  lifted  arm  or  a  quivering  limb  told  of  an 
agony  not  yet  quenched  by  the  Lethe  of  death  around." 

The  cruel  sharpness  of  war  had  never  a  more  vivid 
illustration  than  in  these  battles  of  the  Wilderness  ;  nor 
was  the  patriotic  heroism  of  commanders  and  of  men 
ever  more  grandly  shown  than  in  these  contests  where 
none  of  the  pomp  of  battle  accompanied  the  struggle, 
but  only  its  horrors  were  to  be  found. 


WINFIELD    SCOTT   HANCOCK.  179 


CHAPTER  XV. 

Harbor. —  The  March  from  Spottsylvania  toward  Richmond.-— 
A  Race  between  Two  Armies.—  Hancock  finds  Lee  before  him  at 
the  North  Anna. —  He  Carries  the  Bridge. —  Hancock  at  Cold  Har 
bor. —  He  Carries  the  Enemy's  Lines. —  A  Fight  at  Close  Quarters. 
—  Amenities  of  the  Combat. 

THE  advance  from  Spottsylvania  was  not  made  until 
the  20th  of  May,  and  in  the  meantime  Hancock  was 
engaged  in  the  desperate  but  not  altogether  successful 
attempts  of  Grant  to  force  his  way  straight  across  the 
Confederate  fortifications  from  the  position  he  had  cap 
tured  on  the  12th. 

In  the  meantime,  Sheridan,  in  whose  command  the 
dashing  Custer  was  a  subordinate,  was  making  his  won 
derfully  brilliant  cavalry  movements  in  the  Shenandoah 
Galley  and  onward  towards  Richmond.  This  episode 
forms  one  of  the  most  spirited  chapters  in  the  history 
of  our  war ;  and  the  meeting  of  the  two  great  cavalry 
leaders  in  the  Shenandoah  Valley,  Sheridan  with  the  . 
Union  troopers  and  Stuart  with  the  Confederate  riders, 
makes  one  of  its  most  romantic  pages. 

When  at  length  Hancock  was  ordered  forward,  on 
the  20th  of  May,  the  movement  was  in  fact  a  race 
between  the  two  opposing  armies  for  a  new  vantage- 
ground  on  the  road  to  Richmond.  This  ground  was  on 
the  North  Anna  River. 

The  country  through  which  Hancock  led  his  corps  on 


180  LIFE    AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

this  hasty  march  was  a  wonderful  and  striking  con 
trast  to  that  whose  horrors  they  left  behind  them.  It 
was  fair  and  fertile,  beautifully  undulating,  with  many 
large  and  fine  plantations  in  the  river-bottoms.  The 
blight  of  war  had  not  yet  touched  it ;  but  here  were 
fields  with  sprouting  wheat  and  growing  corn  and 
luxuriant  clover,  homesteads  with  great  ancestral  elms 
and  bountiful  farms. 

But  when,  on  the  23d,  Hancock  came  in  sight  of  the 
North  Anna,  he  saw  on  the  opposite  bank  "  the  enemy 
in  large  force  marching  in  column,  evidently  en  route 
from  Spottsylvania."  Hancock  had  to  force  a  passage 
of  the  river,  and  that,  too,  over  a  tele  dupont  which  the 
Confederates  had  constructed  and  manned  at  the  Ches 
terfield  Bridge.  Hancock  made  the  assault,  with  Pierce 
and  Egan's  brigades,  about  an  hour  before  sundown, 
under  a  heavy  fire,  the  troops  sweeping  across  the  open 
plain  at  double-quick,  making  a  foothold  in  the  parapet 
with  their  bayonets,  clambering  over  it,  driving  out  the 
enemy,  and  capturing  the  bridge. 

On  the  further  advance,  Hancock  led  another  brilliant 
skirmish  at  the  Tolopotoniy ;  and  when  Grant  deter 
mined  to  force  the  passage  of  the  Chickahominy  at 
Cold  Harbor,  Hancock  was  given  the  place  on  the  left 
of  the  line  as  the  order  of  battle  was  formed. 

The  assault  upon  the  enemy's  works  was  ordered  to 
be  by  a  general  advance  all  along  the  line  at  half-past 
four  in  the  morning  of  June  3.  It  was  short,  sharp, 
and  bloody  work.  Before  five  o'clock  the  battle  was 
decided.  It  was  impossible  to  dislodge  the  enemy. 
Hancock's  corps  advanced  for  half  a  mile  through  woods 


WINFIELD    SCOTT   HANCOCK.  181 

and  over  open  intervals,  under  a  severe  fire,  straight  up 
to  the  enemy's  works,  and  repeated  the  brilliant  exploit 
of  the  "  salient  angle"  at  Spottsylvania.  They  climbed 
over  the  enemy's  parapet,  captured  his  guns,  and 
carried  off  five  or  six  hundred  prisoners,  with  their 
colors.  But  it  was  useless.  The  works  could  not  be 
carried  as  a  whole,  although  Hancock's  men  fortified 
themselves  in  an  advanced  position. 

One  of  the  most  remarkable  incidents  of  the  war  oc 
curred  here.  It  was  the  retention  of  a  position,  all  day, 
within  fifteen  yards  of  the  enemy's  works.  The  heroic 
band  which  performed  this  exploit  was  the  brigade  of 
Colonel  McKean,  in  Hancock's  corps,  numbering  about 
eight  hundred  men.  Through  the  livelong  day  those 
men  held  their  line  within -fifteen  yards  of  the  enemy, 
and  all  his  force  could  not  dislodge  them. 

The  way  it  happened  was  that,  through  a  fault  of 
engineering,  the  rebel  intrenchments  were  drawn  on 
the  rearward  slope  of  the  crest  in  front  of  Hancock,  and 
thus  thrown  so  far  back  that  his  men,  when  repulsed, 
were  partially  under  cover  as  soon  as  they  had  passed 
the  ridge,  and  their  sharpshooters  were  able  to  keep 
the  enemy's  heads  down  long  enough  to  allow  hastily 
improvised  parapets  to  be  thrown  up. 

Repeatedly  during  the  day  the  enemy  formed  double 
columns  of  attack,  to  come  over  the  works  and  assail 
them  ;  and  the  officers  could  be  heard  encouraging  their 
troops  by  telling  them  "there  are  only  four  or  five 
hundred  of  them  —  come  on  !  "  But  the  moment  the 
rebels  showed  themselves  above  the  parapet,  a  line  of 
fire  flashed  out  from  behind  the  earthen  mound  where 


182  LIJTa       AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 


eight  hundred  heroes  stood  in  a  new  Thermopylae,  and 
many  a  Confederate  threw  up  his  arms  and  fell  prone 
under  their  swift  avenging  bullets. 

The  sequel  is  as  curious  as  the  deed  itself;  for  while 
the  enemy  dared  not  venture  out  to  assail  McKean's 
men,  neither  could  he  get  back  from  his  perilous  posi 
tion.  In  this  dilemma,  the  ingenious  device  was  hit 
upon  of  running  a  zigzag  trench  up  from  the  Union  lines 
to  his.  In  this  manner  a  working  party  was  able  to 
dig  its  w^ay  up  to  where  they  lay,  begrimed  with  powder 
and  worn  out  with  fatigue,  and  at  last  they  were  brought 
safely  away  —  all  that  were  left  of  them.  The  gallant 
McKean  was  shot  down  while  standing  up  to  receive  a 
rebel  assault. 

So  close  were  the  lines  of  the  contending  armies 
after  this  battle,  that  often  not  more  than  fifty  yards 
separated  them.  A  man  would  call  out  from  behind 
the  Union  breastworks  the  signal  of  attack  —  "  Forward  ! 
Guide  centre  !  "  —  and  the  Confederates,  hearing  all 
that  was  said,  would  start  up  behind  their  parapet, 
while  our  men,  just  peering  above  their  pits,  would 
"  draw  a  bead  "  on  their  tricked  opponents  and  bring 
many  a  one  down  with  a  bloody  gift. 

Or,  on  the  other  side,  one  would  call  a  parley  and 
cry  out  : 

"Yanks,  ain't  it  about  your  time  to  cook  coffee?" 

"Yes,"  the  Yanks  would  reply. 

"Then,"  the  response  would  come  from  the  other 
side,  "  if  you  won't  shoot  while  I  make  my  johnny- 
cake,  I  won't  shoot  while  you  make  your  coffee." 


WINFIELD    SCOTT   HANCOCK.  183 

This  culinary  truce  was  always  observed  with  the 
strictest  fidelity. 

General  Hancock,  in  his  report  of  this  battle,  uses 
the  significant  language  :  "  The  troops  advanced  as  far 
as  the  example  of  their  officers  could  carry  them." 
The  position  could  not  be  carried,  and  officers  and 
men  realized  it.  An  attempt  was  made  to  reduce  the 
works  by  siege ;  but  this  was  given  up  in  a  few  days, 
and  Grant  determined  to  transfer  his  army  to  the  south 
of  the  James  River. 


184  LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 


CHAPTER  XYI. 

Petersburg. —  Hancock  Celebrates  Bunker-hill  Day. —  He  Leads  Suc 
cessful  Movements  about  Petersburg.  —  His  Old  Wound  Reopens. 
—  On  Sick  Leave  Again  but  Quickly  Returns. —  The  Explosion  of 
the  Petersburg  Mine  and  its  Disastrous  Results. 

ON  the  15th  of  May,  as  Hancock  was  marching  under 
orders  to  "  take  up  a  position  where  the  City  Point 
Railroad  crosses  Harrison's  Creek," — a  position  which 
did  not  exist,  except  upon  an  incorrect  and  worthless 
map  from  which  the  orders  were  drawn, — he  received 
a  despatch  from  General  Grant  directing  him  to  use  all 
haste  in  going  to  the  assistance  of  General  Smith,  who 
had  attacked  Petersburg.  This  was  the  first  intimation 
that  Hancock  had  received  that  Petersburg  was  to  be 
attacked  that  day,  or  that  General  Smith  was  operating 
against  the  place.  He  hastened  forward,  but  was 
unable  to  join  Smith  until  after  the  attack  had  been 
made.  General  Hancock  writes  in  his  report :  "  The 
messages  from  Lieutenant-General  Grant  and  from 
General  Smith,  which  I  received  between  five  and  six 
p.  M.  ,  on  the  15th,  were  the  first  and  only  intimation  I  had 
that  Petersburg  was  to  be  attacked  that  day.  Up  to 
that  hour  I  had  not  been  notified  from  any  source  that 
I  was  expected  to  assist  General  Smith  in  assaulting 
that  city." 

General  Meade  endorsed,  in  a  report  now  on  file  in  the 
Army  Department :  "  Had  General  Hancock  or  myself 


WLNFIELD    SCOTT    HANCOCK.  185 

known  that  Petersburg  was  to  be  attacked,  Petersburg 
would  have  fallen."  But  Grant  was  compelled  to  sit 
down  before  that  city  in  formal  siege  for  nearly  a  year 
before  it  yielded. 

General  Hancock,  to  whom,  in  the  absence  of  Grant 
and  Meade,  the  command  of  the  field  fell,  was  re 
strained  from  attacking,  by  orders  from  Meade,  until 
the  remaining  corps  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac 
should  arrive ;  and  this  happening  on  the  16th,  he 
made  the  assault  that  day,  driving  the  enemy  some  dis 
tance  along  the  whole  line.  The  attack  was  renewed 
by  Hancock  and  Burnside  on  the  17th,  the  former 
succeeding  in  taking  some  important  ground. 

The  movement  of  Hancock  was  designed  to  carry 
the  four  lines  of  works  of  the  enemy  outside  the  city, 
drive  the  Confederates  into  Petersburg,  and,  if  possible, 
capture  the  town.  On  this,  "  Bunker-hill  Day,"  writes 
one  of  the  old  Sixth  Corps,  which  was  then  part  of 
Hancock's  command,  "  General  Hancock  formed  his 
troops,  in  a  piece  of  wood,  between  two  forts,  in  such 
a  way,  and  at  such  a  point,  that  the  enemy  had  no  idea 
of  what  he  was  doing.  Just  as  night  was  falling  he 
led  us  out  on  the  charge.  Instead  of  charging  either 
of  the  two  forts,  he  led  us  on  a  dead  run  right  between 
them.  When  on  the  other  side  he  deployed  his  troops, 
and  eifected  the  capture  of  both.  The  enemy  was  so  sur 
prised  that  we  met  with  little  resistance.  Then  we 
made  a  gallant  charge  on  the  second  line,  and  after  a 
sharp  fight  secured  it.  Then  the  third  line  was 
stormed,  and  though  the  battle  was  now  severe,  we 
were  successful.  At  the  fourth  line,  however,  we  were 


186  LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

repulsed.  Then  the  point  was  to  maintain  the  position 
we  had  gained.  It  was  now  late  at  night,  and  the 
hostilities  closed.  The  next  morning,  however,  they 
opened  upon  us  from  all  directions.  As  at  Spottsyl- 
vania,  Hancock  told  us  that  our  position  must  be  held 
or  it  was  certain  death  for  all  of  us.  We  did  hold  it ; 
but  it  was  hard  work." 

But  this  arduous  labor  for  his  country  was  performed 
at  great  cost.  It  will  be  remembered  that  Hancock 
was  yet  a  wounded  man,  and  under  the  surgeon's  care 
when  he  took  the  field  with  Grant  in  the  new  Army  of 
the  Potomac.  The  hardships  of  the  campaign  had  the 
effect  of  reopening  the  wound  received  at  Gettysburg, 
and,  on  the  evening  of  the  17th  of  June,  his  iron  con 
stitution  broke  down  and  he  was  compelled,  with  the 
greatest  reluctance,  to  turn  over  the  command  of  his 
corps,  though  he  did  not  leave  the  field. 

During  the  greater  part  of  the  campaign,  indeed,  he 
had  suffered  the  most  intense  pain,  being  compelled  to 
occupy  an  ambulance  during  the  march,  and  only 
mounting  his  horse  when  his  troops  came  in  contact 
with  the  enemy,  and  his  personal  presence  was  needed 
to  direct  and  inspire  them. 

The  wound  was  in  the  upper  part  of  the  thigh.  It 
had  fractured  and  splintered  the  upper  part  of  the 
femur,  and  at  one  time  it  was  thought  that  his  life  could 
not  be  saved.  A  splendid  constitution,  however,  and 
the  best  surgical  skill,  had  brought  him  through  the 
worst,  and  his  entire  recovery  would  have  folloAved  had 
not  his  impatience  to  be  with  his  command  in  the  field 
prevailed  over  his  judgment.  The  penalty  for  this  he 


WINFIELD    SCOTT    HANCOCK.  187 

now  had  to  pay  by  a  brief  retirement  from  the  com 
mand  of  his  corps. 

On  the  27th  of  June,  however,  he  again  took  com 
mand,  and  participated  in  the  operations  before  Peters 
burg  until  July  26,  when  he  crossed  to  the  north  side 
of  the  James  River,  with  his  corps  and  a  division  of 
cavalry,  and  assaulted  the  enemy's  lines  at  Deep  Bot 
tom,  capturing  the  outer  works,  two  hundred  prison 
ers,  several  stands  of  colors,  and  four  pieces  of 
artillery. 

It  was  while  Hancock  was  engaged  in  these  opera 
tions  that  General  Burnside  conceived  and  put  in  execu 
tion  the  idea  of  capturing  the  defences  of  Petersburg 
by  assault  after  the  demoralization  consequent  upon  the 
explosion  of  a  mine,  through  the  breach  formed  by 
which  an  assaulting  column  could  push  forward  and 
sweep  the  enemy  right  and  left.  The  hour  for  the 
explosion  was  fixed  at  half-past  four  on  the  morning  of 
July  30 ;  and,  as  if  to  give  chances  to  fate,  Burnside 
decided  the  choice  of  the  assaulting  division  by  casting 
lots,  or,  as  Grant  expressed  it,  by  "pulling  straws  or 
tossing  coppers." 

Hancock  had  just  returned  from  his  fortunate  expe 
dition  to  Deep  Bottom,  and  was  not  concerned  in  the 
affair  in  any  way.  The  match  was  applied  to  the 
mine  at  the  hour  appointed ;  but,  owing  to  a  defect  in 
the  fuse,  the  mine  failed  to  explode.  A  second  attempt 
succeeded,  at  about  fifteen  minutes  before  five  o'clock 
in  the  morning.  The  effect  produced  is  described  as 
showing  a  solid  mass  of  earth,  through  which  the 
exploding  powder  blazed  like  lightning  playing  in  a 


188  LITE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

bank  of  clouds,  slowly  rising  some  two  hundred  feet 
in  the  air,  and  hanging  visibly  a  few  seconds.  Then 
it  subsided,  and  a  heavy  cloud  of  black  smoke  floated 
off. 

The  explosion  of  the  mine  was  the  signal  for  a  simul 
taneous  outburst  of  artillery  from  the  various  batteries, 
and  Leslie's  division  of  Burnside's  corps  advanced  to 
the  charge. 

On  reaching  the  site  of  the  fort,  it  was. found  to  have 
been  converted  by  the  explosion  into  a  huge  crater  one 
hundred  and  fifty  feet  long,  sixty  feet  wide,  and  from 
twenty-five  to  thirty  feet  deep.  Here  the  assaulting 
column  sought  shelter,  though  there  was  nothing  to 
prevent  its  rushing  forward  and  occupying  the  crest 
beyond,  for  the  enemy  was  paralyzed  by  the  explosion 
and  remained  inactive  for  some  time.  But  the  troops 
huddled  together  in  the  crater ;  and,  as  Meade  said  in 
his  report,  a  scene  of  disorder  and  confusion  com 
menced  which  continued  to  the  end.  The  enemy 
rallied,  brought  their  guns  to  bear,  and  poured  shells 
and  bombs  into  the  hollow  of  the  exploded  earthworks 
where  the  Union  troops  were  clustered.  The  crater 
became  a  slaughter-pen.  Burnside  sent  out  the  colored 
division,  and  the  brave  black  fellows  pushed  far  ahead 
and  captured  prisoners  and  a  stand  of  colors,  but  were 
beaten  back  into  the  fatal  crater.  Disaster  followed. 

General  Hancock  was  a  member  of  the  military  court 
of  inquiry  instituted  soon  after  this  failure,  and  the 
court  found  its  causes  to  be  :  first,  the  injudicious  form 
ation  of  the  troops  in  going  forward ;  second,  the 
halting  of  the  troops  in  the  crater,  instead  of  going 


WINFIELD    SCOTT   HANCOCK.  189 

forward  to  the  crest,  when  there  was  no  fire  of  any  con 
sequence  from  the  enemy ;  third,  no  proper  employ 
ment  of  engineer  officers  and  working  parties,  and  of 
materials  and  tools  for  their  use,  in  the  Ninth  Corps ; 
fourth,  that  some  parts  of  the  assaulting  columns  were 
not  properly  led ;  fifth,  the  want  of  a  competent  com 
mon  head  at  the  scene  of  the  assault,  to  direct  affairs 
as  occurrences  should  demand. 

But,  while  the  causes  of  the  mine  fiasco  before  Peters 
burg  may  be  differently  judged  by  experts,  the  ordinary 
non-professional  mind  will  always  incline  to  the  belief 
that  it  failed  because  a  soldier  of  Hancock's  magnetic 
presence,  quick  perception,  and  instant  action  was  not 
the  director  and  the  leader  of  the  assault. 


190  LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 


CHAPTER    XVII. 

About  Petersburg.  —  Hancock  Commands  at  Deep  Bottom. — Pro 
motion  to  be  Brigadier-General  in  the  Regular  Army.  —  His  Horse 
shot  under  him  at  Reams'  Station.  —  Battle  of  the  Boydtou  Plank 
Road.  —  Recruiting  a  Veteran  Corps.  —  Brevet  Major-General  for 
Gallantry  at  Spottsylvauia.  —  In  Command  of  the  Middle  Military 
Division  when  Lee  Surrenders  and  the  Confederacy  collapses. 

ON  the  12th  of  August,  1864,  Hancock  was  promoted 
another  long  step  in  the  regular  army,  his  commission 
as  Brigadier-General  being  issued  to  him  on  that  date. 
The  same  day  he  was  ordered  to  take  command  of  the 
first  of  the  several  expeditions  which  Grant  made 
against  the  enemy  from  his  position  before  Petersburg. 
On  this  expedition  General  Hancock's  force  consisted 
of  his  own  Second  Corps,  the  Tenth  Corps,  and  Gen 
eral  Gregg's  division  of  Cavalry.  The  movement  was 
made  against  the  enemy  at  Deep  Bottom,  where  the 
Confederates  were  met  in  largely  superior  force,  and 
General  Hancock  returned  with  several  hundred  pris 
oners  and  several  stands  of  colors.  Hancock  returned 
to  his  camp  before  Petersburg  on  the  21st,  after  a  very 
fatiguing  march,  and  was  immediately  ordered  to  un 
dertake  the  work  of  tearing  up  the  railroad  track  to 
Reams'  Station.  This  occupied  the  time  until  the  25th, 
when  the  enemy  approached  in  strong  force  to  prevent 
further  destruction  of  the  line. 

Hancock  met  the  assault  with  firmness  and  with  per- 


WINlElELD    SCOTT   HANCOCK.  191 

sistent  bravery,  although  against  tremendous  odds.  In 
spite  of  the  fact  that  the  support  for  which  he  tele 
graphed  did  not  reach  him,  he  held  the  ground  valiantly 
through  the  day,  being,  as  usual,  on  horseback  among 
his  troops,  cheering  and  inspiring  them,  and  again  nar 
rowly  escaped  death,  having  his  horse  shot  under  him. 
Both  armies  had  enough  of  it  during  the  day,  and 
simultaneously  withdrew  after  dark. 

After  the  loss  of  the  Weldon  Railroad  Lee's  depend 
ence  was  largely  upon  the  Boydton  plank  road,  from 
which  Hancock  was  instructed  to  drive  the  Confeder 
ates.  The  expedition  was  only  partially  successful, 
the  support  not  being  what  it  should  have  been ;  but 
the  brilliancy  of  Hancock's  repulse  of  the  great  assault 
of  the  enemy,  and  the  skill  with  which  he  handled  the 
force  under  his  command,  elicited  expressions  of  admi 
ration  even  from  Grant  himself. 

The  battle  of  Boydton  plank  road  was  the  last  that 
General  Hancock  fought  with  his  gallant  Second  Corps. 
He  had  been  a  sick  man  during  all  this  campaign. 
When  not  on  active  fighting  duty,  he  was  in  the  hands 

of  the  surgeons ;  and  even  when  on  the  march  and  in 

o 

the  battle,  his  wound  had  to  be  dressed  daily,  and 
ilmost  as  frequently  pieces  of  the  splintered  bone  were 
removed  by  the  surgeons.  It  was  his  indomitable 
spirit  that  kept  him  up. 

But,  great  as  was  the  value  of  his  services  in  the 
field,  his  country  had  yet  greater  need  of  him  in  another 
department  of  patriotic  duty. 

There  were  then  many  veteran  soldiers  in  the  country, 
whose  terms  of  service  had  expired,  and  the  govern- 


192  LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

ment  considered  the  best  means  of  calling  into  the  field 
this  desirable  element.  Veteran  soldiers,  having  been 
once  honorably  discharged,  hesitated  to  re-enter  the 
service  in  regiments  recruited  since  their  own  enlist 
ments  ;  so  it  was  thought  advisable  to  raise  a  corps 
which  should  consist  of  veterans  alone.  The  man  to 
whom  the  President  first  looked  was,  in  regard  both  to 
the  length  and  severity  of  his  service,  the  chief  of  all 
the  veteran  general  officers  of  the  army ;  and  that  man 
was  General  Hancock. 

So  Hancock  was  ordered,  on  the  26th  of  November, 

1864,  to   report   at   Washington   and   undertake    the 
organization  of  this  veteran  corps.     It  was  determined 
to  make  this  corps  fifty  thousand  strong ;  and  it  was 
very  justly  believed  that,  with  Hancock  at  the  head  of 
this  organization,  the  old  soldiers  would  at  once  flock 
to  the  standard,  and  the  force  be  recruited  in  the  short 
est  possible  time.     This  idea  proved  a  correct  one. 

But  this  corps  of  veterans  was  destined  never  to  be 
called  into  action.  Events  were  marching  fast,  and 
Hancock's  sword  could  not  be  spared  from  the  field  in 
the  last  terrible  struggle  for  the  extinction  of  the  Con 
federate  army.  So  he  was  again  ordered  to  the  front, 
in  command  of  the  Middle  Military  Division,  Feb.  27, 

1865,  and  made  his  headquarters  at  Winchester,   the 
division  embracing  the  departments  of  West  Virginia, 
Pennsylvania,  and  Washington,  and  the  force  under  his 
command   including   the   Army   of    the    Shenandoah, 
amounting  to  nearly  one  hundred  thousand  men  of  all 
arms. 

With  this  force  it  was  expected   a  decisive   blow, 


WINFIELD    SCOTT   HANCOCK.  193 

in  one  direction  or  the  other,  would  be  struck,  and 
General  Hancock  was  under  orders  to  be  ready  to 
move  at  a  few  hours'  notice,  either  on  Lynchburg,  to 
co-operate  with  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  or  to  take 
transports  for  the  southern  coast  to  co-operate  with 
General  Sherman,  as  the  exigencies  of  the  campaign 
should  demand.  But  the  end  came  sooner  than  was 
anticipated.  Lee's  defence  of  Petersburg  collapsed, 
and  the  surrender  of  his  decimated,  ragged,  and 
hungry,  but  bravely  persistent  troops,  was  made  at 
Appomattox  Court-House,  April  9,  1865. 

About  a  month  before  this,  on  the  13th  of  March,  Gen 
eral  Hancock  had  received  further  official  recognition 
of  his  services  in  the  form  of  a  brevet  to  Major-General 
ship  in  the  regular  army,  given  "  for  gallant  and  meri 
torious  services  at  the  battle  of  Spottsylvania." 

The  sketch  of  General  Hancock's  military  services 
during  the  active  period  of  the  Rebellion  cannot  be  bet 
ter  closed  than  with  the  following  picture  of  him,  as  a 
man  and  as  a  commander,  by  one  who  knew  and 
served  under  him  :  — 

4 1  General  Hancock  appears  the  very  beau  ideal  of  the  sol 
dier.  His  figure  is  tall  and  finely  shaped.  His  e}'e  is  clear, 
blue,  inquiring,  benignant  in  repose,  but  inspiring  in  danger 
and  in  earnestness.  In  manners,  no  man  ever  surpassed  him. 
He  is  the  embodiment  of  knightly  courtesy,  yet  his  dignity  is 
of  the  simple  republican  type  that  reminds  one  of  the  ideal 
Cincinnatus.  No  young  officer,  with  apprehensions,  for  the 
first  time,  ever  reported  to  him  and  went  away  with  any 
other  feeling  than  that  Hancock  was  the  man  he  wanted  to 
serve  under  for  life. 


194  LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

"  To  his  subordinates  he  was  always  kindliness  itself.  He 
put  one  at  his  ease  at  once  ;  gave  confidence  ;  made  a  man 
think  better  of  himself ;  made  him  think  he  amounted  to  a 
good  deal  more  than  he  ever  before  suspected.  This  was  one 
of  the  great  secrets  of  Hancock's  success  on  the  field.  The 
men  and  officers  all  felt  that  the}r  had  come  in  personal  con 
tact  with  their  commander ;  that  they  had  made  him  think 
they  were  brave,  good,  reliable  men  ;  and  when  the  crisis  came, 
they  would  rather  die  than  destroy  that  opinion.  Hancock's 
reproof,  on  the  other  hand,  was  not  a  thing  to  be  wished  for 
twice.  He  was  severe  in  his  requirements,  and  sometimes 
made  his  colonels  and  generals  wish  that  they  were  anywhere 
but  under  the  plain  severity  of  his  talk.  Yet  after  the  lesson 
was  taught,  the  wound  was  at  once  healed  by  some  attention, 
so  kindly  and  so  gracious,  that  the  object  of  it  felt  at  last 
that  he  had  really  gained  by  the  transaction. 

"  Thus  he  was  to  his  subordinates.  What  he  was  to  his 
superiors  is  a  matter  of  history.  No  more  loyal  executor  of 
orders  ever  bestrode  a  horse.  There  are  brilliant  reputations 
whose  dead  and  living  owners  owe  them  to  that  loyal  per 
formance  of  duty.  He  went  forward  cheerfully,  without 
murmuring  or  questioning,  in  the  accomplishment  of  what 
was  assigned  to  him,  from  first  to  last,  willing  to  do  anything 
and  be  anything  in  the  service  of  his  country.  Hancock's 
first  Division  Commander,  that  splendid  veteran  and  stub 
born  fighter,  who  was  himself  generally  in  hot  water  with  his 
official  superiors,  Major-General  'Baldy'  Smith  said  of  Han 
cock  :  '  He  was  the  most  lo}*al  subordinate  I  ever  knew.  He 
always  tried  to  carry  out  his  orders  in  their  spirit  as  well  as 
to  the  letter,  and  whatever  he  might  think  of  them,  when  he 
received  them  they  became  his  own  and  a  part  and  parcel  of 
himself.' 

44  Happy  for  the  Republic  had  it  more  sons,  more  soldiers, 
and  more  statesmen  like  this  !  " 


WINFIELD    SCOTT   HANCOCK.  195 


CHAPTER 

Hancock  as  a  Commander. —  The  Love  and  Admiration  of  his  Sol 
diers  for  their  General. — "  A  Soldier's  Duty  is  to  Obey  arid  Fight." — 
General  Walker  describes  his  Character  and  Habits. —  Custer 
Sketches  him  at  Williamsburg. —  "  Gentlemen,  Charge  with  the 
Bayonet." — The  Secret  of  Hancock's  Genius. —  The  Invincible 
Second  Corps. —  An  Incident  of  Gettysburg. 

GENERAL  HANCOCK  was  a  commander  who  secured 
not  only  the  confidence,  but  the  love  and  admiration  of 
his  troops.  He  was  of  splendid  appearance,  and  of  a 
most  magnetic  manner.  He  was,  moreover,  sym 
pathetic  as  well  as  strict,  kindly  as  well  as  stern,  and, 
beyond  all,  he  impressed  all  who  came  in  contact  with 
him  with  his  thorough  earnestness.  There  was  not  a 
soldier  in  his  largest  command  who  would  not  die 

o 

happy  under  Hancock's  approving  eye  ;  there  was  not 
one  who  failed  to  feel  the  electric  shock  which  ran 
through  the  whole  line  when  Hancock  rode  into  sight 
on  the  field  of  battle. 

One  of  those  who  served  under  him  says  :  "  He  was 
universally  beloved  by  his  soldiers.  There  was  not  a 
man,  from  a  private  to  the  highest  officer,  that  did  not 
admire  him.  He  was  one  of  the  strictest  disciplinarians 
in  the  army.  One  instance  I  remember.  In  the  fall 
of  1864,  during  the  campaign  of  Lincoln  and  McClel- 
lan,  the  officers  and  soldiers  indulged  in  pretty  free  dis 
cussions  of  the  conduct  of  the  war  on  the  part  of  the 
administration.  Hancock  issued  a  general  order,  which 


196  LIFE   AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

was  read  to  every  regiment,  commanding  that  all  this 
should  cease.  'Our  first  duty,'  he  said,  in  substance, 
'  is  to  stop  the  Eebellion,  not  to  talk.  When  the  war  is 
over  you  can  criticise  as  much  as  you  like.  Until  then, 
a  soldier's  duty  is  to  obey  and  fight.' " 

It  was  this  strict  conscientiousness,  this  unswerving 
purpose  to  compel  respect  for  what  is  right,  which 
gave  the  foundation  to  the  noble  character  of  General 
Hancock.  He  was,  first  of  all,  true  to  himself,  in  the 
highest  sense  of  that  phrase.  He  could  conceive  of  no 
deviation  in  the  slightest  degree  from  the  straight  path 
of  honor  for  himself,  and  he  could  not  tolerate  it  in 
others.  He  personified  moral  force  as  clearly  and 
vividly  as  he  did  physical  courage. 

Gen.  Francis  A.  Walker,  who  has  had  charge  of  the 
taking  of  the  United  States  census  of  1870  and  1880, 
was  on  General  Hancock's  staff  at  one  time  during  the 

o 

war,  and,  like  every  one  else  who  came  to  know  him, 
was  filled  with  admiration  of  the  soldier  and  respect 
for  the  man.  General  Walker  says  of  him  :  "  General 
Hancock  was  an  ideal  commander.  His  presence  in 
the  camp  or  along  the  line  was  like  an  impulse  which 
every  soldier  felt.  It  seemed  to  travel  through  the 
army  like  a  great  wave.  It  is  needless  to  say  that  he 
was  everywhere  beloved  and  admired.  It  was  impos 
sible  for  it  to  be  otherwise  when  one  saw  the  force  of 
his  character  and  his  enthusiasm  and  energy.  As  a 
military  genius  he  was  a  tactician  of  great  skill  and 
adroitness,  as  well  as  an  executor  of  energy  and  power. 
It  is  seldom  that  you  find  these  qualities  in  one  man, 
for  it  is  generally  considered  as  incompatible  that  a 


WTNFIELD    SCOTT   HANCOCK.  197 

sagacity  which  was  almost  cunning  should  be  combined 
with  dash  and  industry.  General  Hancock  possessed 
both  to  a  high  degree." 

At  the  breaking  out  of  the  war,  that  wild,  dashing, 
and  wonderfully  versatile  young  cavalry  leader,  Gen. 
George  A.  Custer,  was  a  cadet  at  West  Point.  He 
was  a  fiery  young  fellow,  full  of  animal  spirits,  and  at 
once  applied  to  be  sent  to  the  field ;  this  application, 
moreover,  serving  to  relieve  him  from  the  unpleasant 
duty  of  appearing  to  answer  before  the  stern  profes 
sors  at  the  military  academy  for  a  madcap  escapade 
in  which  he  had  then  recently  indulged.  So  he  was 
sent  down  to  General  Smith's  headquarters  in  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac,  to  make  himself  useful  and 
wait  for  a  more  definite  assignment.  There  he  fell 
in  with  General  Hancock,  and  the  two  seemed  to  ap 
preciate  each  other.  Hancock  was  Ouster's  senior  by 
twenty  years  at  West  Point ;  but  they  had  one  element 
of  character  in  common  which  certainly  attracted  the 
younger  man  to  the  veteran.  This  was  an  utter  ab 
sence  of  self-consciousness  in  time  of  danger.  In 
Custer s  case,  this  approached  recklessness;  in  Han 
cock,  it  was  so  combined  with  more  substantial  traits 
as  to  become  simply  one  of  the  illustrations  of  his 
sublime  strength  of  character. 

It  is  interesting  to  read  some  of  Ouster's  sketches  of 
his  experiences  with  Hancock,  they  are  at  once  so  free 
and  so  fresh.  One  of  these,  left  among  his  posthumous 
papers  when  he  met  his  cruel  fate  on  the  Rosebud, 
describes  Hancock  on  the  day  when  he  had  turned  the 
flank  of  the  Confederates  at  Williamsburg  and  awaited 


198  LITE   AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

events  with  the  whole  rebel  army  in  front  of  him  and 
a  small  brigade  of  sixteen  hundred  of  his  own  men 
by  his  side.  Ouster  wrote  :  — 

"  Hancock's  orders  prevented  him  from  advancing  beyond 
the  position  he  then  held.  The  strength  of  his  forces,  how 
ever,  would  not  have  justified  him  in  proceeding  against  Fort 
Magruder  unless  closely  supported  by  at  least  twice  his  own 
numbers.  His  position  was  such,  however,  that  with  a 
reasonable  force  at  his  command,  Fort  Magruder,  and  conse 
quently  the  enemy's  entire  line,  was  untenable  the  moment  he 
chose  to  advance.  Fully  impressed  with  the  importance  of 
the  point  he  held,  Hancock,  as  early  as  eleven  o'clock,  sent  a 
staff  officer  back  to  represent  the  situation  of  affairs  and  to 
request  reinforcements.  The  request  was  delivered  to  Gen 
eral  Smith,  the  division  commander,  who,  heartily  approving 
of  Hancock's  views,  urged  General  Simmer,  then  senior  offi 
cer  on  the  field,  to  grant  the  request.  General  Sumner, 
anxious  regarding  Hooker's  position  on  the  left,  declined, 
and  instead  directed  Hancock  to  hold  his  ground,  but  not  to 
advance. 

"Again  Hancock  sent  a  staff  officer,  urging  in  stronger 
terms  the  importance  of  promptly  reinforcing  him  in  order 
that  he  might  at  once  decide  the  battle  by  driving  the  enemy 
from  their  works.  From  his  position  to  Sumner's  headquar 
ters,  by  the  circuitous  route  necessar}-  to  be  taken,  was 
several  miles.  Hancock  awaited  the  reply  to  his  second 
appeal  with  unfeigned  anxiety.  It  came,  and  instead  of 
acceding  to  his  request,  it  directed  him  to  relinquish  the 
vantage-ground  already  gained,  and  which  furnished  the  key 
to  the  enemy's  position,  and  to  retire  to  the  redoubt  covering 
the  crossing  over  the  dam.  It  was  two  o'clock  when  the  last 
messenger  arrived. 

' '  Those  who  have  seen  Hancock  when  affairs  with  which 


WINFIELD    SCOTT   HANCOCK.  199 

he  was  connected  were  not  conducted  in  conformity  with  his 
views,  can  imagine  the  manner  in  which  he  received  the  order 
to  retire.  Never  at  a  loss  for  expletives,  and  with  feelings 
wrought  up  by  the  attendant  circumstances.  Hancock  was 
not  at  all  loath  to  express  his  condemnation  of  the  policy, 
which,  from  his  standpoint,  was  not  only  plainly  unnecessary, 
but,  in  the  end,  must  prove  disastrous.  His  was  a  difficult 
position  to  occupy,  so  far  as  he  personally  was  concerned. 
After  receiving  the  order  to  withdraw,  rendered  more  impera 
tive  from  the  fact  of  its  being  a  reply  to  his  request  for 
authority  and  troops  to  enable  him  to  advance,  his  first  duty 
as  a  soldier  was  to  obey.  His  judgment  rebelled  against  such 
a  course,  and  urged  him  to  remain  and  make  one  more  effort 
to  secure  the  adoption  of  his  views.  The  responsibility  was 
great;  but  he  assumed  it,  trusting  to  events  to  justify  his 
course.  Another  staff  officer  was  sent  back,  bearing  a  most 
urgent  appeal  from  Hancock  for  assistance,  and  more  fully 
explaining  the  importance  of  his  position.  Taking  out  his 
watch,  Hancock,  in  conversation  with  the  writer,  remarked, 
4  It  is  now  two  o'clock .  I  shall  wait  till  four ;  if  no  reply 
reaches  me  from  headquarters,  I  will  then  withdraw.' 

' '  The  moments  flew  by  till  an  hour  had  elapsed  since  the 
departure  of  the  last  messenger,  and  still  no  reply  from  head 
quarters.  Hancock's  impatience,  of  which  he  has  ever  seemed 
to  have  an  inexhaustible  supply,  increased  with  each  passing 
moment.  But  little  was  going  on  in  his  front  save  the  usual 
sharpshooting  between  skirmishers-  at  long  range ;  yet  each 
discharge  of  a  musket  seemed  to  add  to  the  anxiety  of  him 
whose  imperturbability  has  never  rendered  him  remarkable. 

"A  fourth  staff  officer  was  despatched  at  a  gallop  to 
hasten,  if  possible,  the  expected  and  long-hoped-for  message 
from  '  Old  Bull,'  as  General  Simmer  was  familiarly  termed  by 
the  entire  army.  Messenger  after  messenger  was  ordered 
upon  this  errand,  until  the  hour-hand  marked  the  hour  of 


200  LIFE   AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

four,  and  still  DO  orders  came.  It  was  hard  for  the  }'oung 
brigade  commander  to  relinquish  the  victory  which  he  justly 
believed  was  within  his  grasp.  He  had  said  he  would  with 
draw  at  four  o'clock,  but  when  the  hour  arrived  it  found  him 
still  anxious  and  eager  to  carry  out  his  first  plan  of  battle, 
and.  with  a  faltering  hope,  he  said,  '  I  will  wait  a  half  hour 
longer ;  if  no  orders  reach  me  during  that  time,  I  must 
retire.' 

"He  was  then  without  a  staff  officer,  —  aids,  adjutant- 
general,  and  all  having  been  hurried  back  for  orders  and 
reinforcements." 

There  is  a  pecular  charm  in  getting  such  a  glimpse 
of  the  "superb  Hancock  "  as  this  sketch  affords,  drawn 
by  a  young  trooper  who  regarded  less  the  dignity  than 
the  fun  of  every  situation,  and  who  pictures  Hancock 
not  as  a  demi-god,  but  as  very  much  a  man. 

We  all  know  what  was  the  outcome  of  Hancock's 
anxious  waiting  behind  the  Confederate  works  at  Wil- 
liamsburg.  Reinforcements  did  not  come,  and  he  had 
to  meet  alone  the  charge  of  Longstreet's  and  Early's 
troops.  But  Custer  describes  it  in  such  an  entertaining 
way,  throwing  such  strong  side-lights  on  Hancock's 
feelings  and  actions  at  this  time,  that  we  reproduce  his 
story : — 

i 'The  enemy  were  advancing  rapidly  and  confidently. 
Hancock,  deprived  of  the  assistance  of  ever}-  member  of  his 
own  staff,  none  having  returned  from  the  division  commander, 
busied  himself  by  riding  along  the  line  encouraging  his  men 
and  urging  them  to  do  their  duty  in  the  fast  approaching 
struggle.  •'  Aim  low,  men — aim  low,'  was  his  oft-repeated 


WINFIELD    SCOTT    HANCOCK.  201 

injunction  ;  and,  t  Do  not  be  in  a  hurry  to  fire  until  they  come 
nearer.' 

' '  Although  the  enemy  had  advanced  nearly  a  thousand 
yards  across  an  open  and  nearly  level  plain,  within  easy 
range  of  the  guns  of  Hancock's  men,  the  latter  permitted 
them  to  approach  undisturbed. 

"Hancock,  realizing  to  the  fullest  extent  his  precarious 
situation,  strove  in  every  possible  manner  to  inspire  his  troops 
with  confidence.  To  him  the  coming  contest  was  destined 
to  become  more  than  an  ordinary  victory  or  defeat :  if  the 
former,  all  would  be  well,  and  no  unhappy  criticisms  would 
follow  him  ;  if  defeat — and  defeat  under  the  circumstances  im 
plied  the  loss  or  capture  of  most  if  not  all  of  his  command — 
then  death  upon  the  battle-field  was  far  preferable,  to  the  sensi 
tive  and  high-minded  soldier,  to  the  treatment  which  would  be 
meted  out  to  him  who,  in  violation  of  positive  orders  had 
repeatedly  declined  to  withdraw  his  command,  but  had  re 
mained  until  obedience  was  no  longer  practicable,  and  his 
command  was  threatened  with  annihilation.  It  was  prob 
ably  with  thoughts  of  defeat,  and  its  personal  consequences 
of  a  court-martial  for  disobedience  of  orders,  that  at  the 
moment  when  the  fighting  on  both  sides  became  terribly  in 
earnest,  and  the  firing  loudest,  Hancock,  galloping  along  his 
lines,  hat  in  hand,  the  perfect  model  of  a  field-marshal  that 
he  has  since  proven  himself  to  be,  in  tones  which  even  the 
din  of  battle  could  not  drown,  appealed  to  his  troops,  saying, 
'  Men,  you  must  hold  this  ground,  or  I  am  ruined.'  It  was 
but  the  utterance  of  the  thought  that  was  passing  through 
his  mind  at  that  moment,  and  it  neither  checked  nor  added 
to  the  ardor  with  which  Hancock  deports  himself  in  battle. 
His  brilliant,  dashing  courage,  displayed  upon  scores  of  bat 
tle-fields  since  the  one  here  referred  to,  has  shown  that  he 
requires  no  personal  motive  to  inspire  him  to  deeds  of  heroism. 
The  Confederates,  with'  a  courage  which  has  never  been  sur- 


202  LIFE    AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES    OP 

passed  by  the  troops  upon  either  side,  boldly  advanced,  de 
livering  their  fire  as  rapidly  as  possible,  and  never  ceasing  to 
utter  their  inspiring  battle-cry. 

"  About  forty  yards  in  front  of  Hancock's  line,  and  parallel 
to  it,  was  an  ordinary  rail  fence.  The  advanced  line  of  the 
Confederates  reached  this  fence ;  and  had  they  been  less 
brave,  or  had  they  been  the  veterans  of  either  army,  who 
four  years  later  had  been  thoroughly  schooled  into  the  idea 
that  breastworks  and  courage  were  almost  inseparable  ad 
juncts  in  the  art  of  war,  it  is  probable  that  their  advance 
would  never  have  crossed  the  fence,  but,  protected  by  the 
questionable  cover  of  the  rails,  would  have  made  a  stand, 
and  from  there  returned  the  terribly  destructive  fire  their 
enemies  were  pouring  into  their  ranks.  The  fence  seemed 
to  offer  no  obstacle,  however,  to  the  assaulting  column,  which 
still  advanced,  as  it  had  started,  in  four  heavy  lines. 

uBut  thirty  paces  now  separated  the  contending  forces, 
and  neither  exhibited  signs  of  wavering.  The  Confederates 
were  losing  ten  to  one  of  the  Federals  ;  the  latter,  unlike  the 
former,  delivering  their  fire  from  a  halt,  and  with  deliberate 
aim. 

"  When  within  twenty  paces  of  the  Federal  troops,  the 
fire  of  whose  guns  remained  unabated,  the  Confederates, 
whose  ranks  had  been  terribly  thinned,  and  who,  from  their 
long  and  rapid  march  across  a  heavy  arid  yielding  soil,  added 
to  their  constant  yelling  since  the  opening  of  the  attack,  were 
much  exhausted,  now  exhibited  signs  of  faltering.  The 
Federals,  who  but  a  moment  before  regarded  victory  as  most 
doubtful,  observed  this  hesitation,  and  gave  forth  cheers  of 
exultation.  Hancock,  who  had  been  constantly  seen  where 
the  danger  was  most  imminent,  and  who,  with  one  exception, 
was  the  only  mounted  officer  along  the  Federal  line,  saw  that 
victory  was  within  his  grasp,  and  determined  to  resume  the 
offensive.  "With  that  excessive  politeness  of  manner  which 


WINFIELD    SCOTT    HANCOCK.  203 

characterizes  him  when  everything  is  being  conducted  accord 
ing  to  his  liking,  Hancock,  as  if  conducting  guests  to  a  ban 
quet  rather  than  fellow-beings  to  a  life-and-death  struggle, 
cried  out  in  tones  well-befitting  a  Stentor :  — 

'  Gentlemen,  charge  with  the  bayonet/ 

' '  The  order  was  responded  to  with  a  hearty  cheer  from  the 
entire  line,  and  immediately  the  men  —  no,  the  gentlemen  — 
brought  their  bayonets  down  to  the  position  of  the  charge, 
and  moved  forward  to  the  encounter.  The  Confederates, 
already  wavering,  required  but  this  last  effort  upon  the  part 
of  their  opponents  to  relinquish  the  contest.  Not  waiting  to 
receive  the  charge,  they  began  their  retreat,  which  soon  ter 
minated  in  a  rout.  The  Federals,  less  exhausted  than  their 
late  assailants,  were  able  to  overtake  and  capture  large  num 
bers  of  the  Confederates.  They  also  captured  one  battle-flag, 
being,  it  is  believed,  the  first  battle-flag  captured  from  the 
enemy  by  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  One  of  the  French 
princes  serving  on  General  McClellan's  staff,  the  Due 
d'Orleans,  arriving  on  the  battle-field  at  this  moment,  was 
made  the  bearer  of  the  captured  colors  to  army  headquar 
ters." 

General  Walker  is  altogether  a  different  sort  of  man 
from  Ouster.  He  is  scholarly,  quiet,  and  exact  —  a 
complete  contrast  to  the  untamed  genius  whose  red- 
silk  neckerchief  used  to  flame  so  inspiringly  at  the 
head  of  his  troopers.  But  General  Walker,  even  while 
giving  a  statistician's  estimate  of  his  old  commander, 
shows  that  enthusiastic  admiration  burns  in  his  breast 
as  well.  In  continuation  of  what  we  have  before 
quoted,  General  Walker  says  :  - 

"  General  Hancock  had  all  the  instincts  of  a  staff  officer  in 


204  LIFE   AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

regard  to  keeping  up  the  discipline  and  the  condition  of  his 
command.  He  might  have  been  the  inspector-general,  for 
the  care  he  exercised.  Then  he  had  a  perfect  passion  for 
what  is  known  in  the  army  as  '  Papers.'  I  remember  this 
from  a  very  lively  experience.  Oftentimes,  when  I  had 
worked  twelve  or  fourteen  hours  during  the  da}',  and  was 
nearly  read}'  to  drop,  he  would  send  for  me,  and  for  two 
hours  longer  he  would  keep  me  in  his  tent,  going  over  a  great 
mass  of  correspondence  and  orders.  He  had  a  love  for  all 
the  details  of  the  camp  and  of  the  march,  and  a  capacity  to 
receive  and  understand  them.  He  was  immensely  particular, 
and  a  man  who,  generally  speaking,  paid  apparently  an  un- 
necessaiy  attention  to  nice  points.  Orders  and  letters  must 
be  written  with  the  greatest  punctilio  and  care,  whether  under 
a  tree,  in  the  rain,  or  in  headquarters.  He  would  do  work 
that  any  other  general  would  leave  to  his  adjutant,  giving  a 
great  deal  of  his  time  and  personal  attention  to  questions  re 
lating  to  regulations,  to  breaches  of  discipline,  and  to  the 
various  reports,  even  though  of  a  routine  nature.  When  in 
battle  he  never  issued  commands  from  the  rear,  but  was  on 
the  field  in  person.  Even  after  he  had  given  an  order  he 
would  himself  see  that  it  was  carried  out.  This  was  not 
always  the  pleasantest  position  for  a  subordinate  officer  ;  but 
looking  back  now,  I  can  see  that  Hancock's  almost  invariable 
success  was  due  to  this  incessant  wakefulness  and  vigilance. 
He  knew  what  he  wanted,  and  he  knew  that  a  single  word 
misunderstood  might  cause  disaster  to  his  troops  or  make 
him  lose  a  victory.  He  was  not  willing  to  run  any  risks." 

General  Hancock  was  worshipped  by  the  men  of  the 
Second  Corps.  He  had  come  to  the  command  of  that 
corps  with  a  record  as  one  of  the  most  brilliant  and 
successful  fighters  in  the  army.  The  most  inspiriting 
legends  of  the  war  embalmed  his  name.  His  presence 


WINFIELD    SCOTT   HANCOCK.  205 

brought  confidence  even  in  the  most  desperate  circum 
stances,  and  under  his  command  the  troops  realized 
that  they  were  guided  by  a  wise  and  masterful  hand. 

The  wearers  of  the  trefoil  badge  not  only  believed, 
they  knew,  that  nothing  could  stand  before  them  and 
Hancock,  and  a  story  which  one  of  them  tells  about 
Gettysburg  shows  that  they  fully  believed  the  enemy 
had  the  same  appreciation  of  the  invincibility  of  Han 
cock's  corps.  This  is  the  story:  "When  Pickett's 
division  made  its  charge,  the  Confederates  only  ex 
pected  to  meet  raw  troops.  They  had  been  told  that 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac  was  not  there,  but  the  Union 
soldiers  were  merely  Pennsylvania  militia  and  recruits. 
Two  Confederate  generals  led  the  charge,  one  named 
Barksdale,  from  Mississippi ;  and  the  other,  whose 
name  I  forget,  from  Louisiana.  Over  the  two  lines  of 
the  front  corps  the  enemy  charged  upon  us  and  came 
up  the  ridge.  The  Louisiana  general,  the  moment  he 
saw  our  lines,  recognized  the  ace  of  clubs  on  our  caps, 
and  shouted  :  '  My  God,  boys,  we  are  lost !  Here  is  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac  ! '  The  next  instant  he  fell  from 
his  horse,  shot  through  the  heart.  The  other  general 
was  also  shot  not  many  feet  away.  He  lived  a  few 
minutes,  and,  as  he  lay  on  the  ground,  Hancock  went 
over  to  him,  and,  bending  down,  received  the  dying 
man's  last  message  to  his  wife,  as  well  as  a  gold  watch, 
which,  in  his  last  moments,  he  asked  Hancock  to  for 
ward  with  the  message.  It  was  a  scene  which  I  will 
never  forget." 


WINFIELD  SCOTT  HANCOCK 


T.HE     STATESMAN". 


CHAPTER    I. 

Hancock's  Character.  —  How  it  Developed  under  the  Influence  of 
his  Career.  —  His  Inheritance  of  Patriotism.  —  A  Man  of  the  People. 
—  His  Strong  Purpose  in  Life.  —  The  Discipline  of  Army  Service.  — 
Learning  to  Obey  and  then  to  Command.  —  His  Administrative 
Ability.  —  Knowledge  of  Men  and  Things.  —  A  Well-rounded 
Character  befitting  a  Democratic  Statesman. 

THERE  now  approached  a  period  of  General  Han 
cock's  life  in  which  he  was  to  display  another  phase  of 
that  grand  character  which  has  given  him  rank  among 
the  foremost  public  men  of  the  age,  and  which  has 
secured  him  recognition  by  the  great  constitutional 
party  of  the  country  as  the  fittest  of  its  sons  to  take  in 
his  hands  the  guidance  of  the  Republic.  It  was  a  fur 
ther  development  of  the  great  gifts  of  mind  and  of 
heart  with  which  the  Creator  had  endowed  him  ;  not  a 
sudden  or  accidental  phenomenon  whose  permanence 
could  not  be  trusted,  or  a  spasmodic  or  emotional  im 
pulse,  aroused  by  the  occasion,  to  vanish  when  the 
exciting  cause  should  be  removed. 

And  here  it  may  be  well  to  pause  and  review  the 
growth  and  development  of  General  Hancock's  charac 
ter,  as  shown  in  his  public  life,  up  to  the  time  when  his 
country,  grateful  for  his  valiant  services  in  the  hour  of 
peril  to  the  Republic  on  the  bloody  field  of  battle, 
sought  the  benefit  of  his  wisdom  and  his  moral  courage 
to  aid  in  preserving  the  peace  which  he  had  conquered. 


210  LIFE   AND   PUBLIC    SEEVICES    OF 

We  have  seen  how,  in  the  life  of  Hancock,  the  boy 
gave  promise  of  the  man.  He  was  a  patriot  by  descent 
and  by  tradition.  The  blood  of  Revolutionary  ances 
tors  flowed  in  his  veins.  He  was  born  on  historic 
ground,  with  the  memories  of  the  great  struggle  for 
independence  and  the  rights  of  man  clustering  thick 
about  the  valleys  and  hills  and  rivers  of  his  native 
country.  And  of  these  memories  his  ancestors  had 
formed  part.  The  story  of  the  hard  fight  of  the  poor 
colonists  for  freedom  and  for  local  self-government  was 
his  story ;  the  legacy  left  him  by  those  of  his  name 
and  his  blood  who  had  battled  and  suffered  by  the  side 
of  Washington. 

Further  than  this,  he  was  a  son  of  the  soil.  Neither 
riches  nor  a  great  name  had  come  to  him  by  descent. 
The  honors  which  his  ancestors  bore  were  those  of  a 
patriot  yeomanry,  ennobled  by  intelligent  labor  and  by 
an  honorable  performance  of  the  duties  of  free  citizens. 
He  inherited  an  upright  name,  never  tarnished  by  so 
much  as  a  shade  of  falsehood  or  un worthiness  ;  a  sound 
intellect,  and  a  physical  constitution  well  fitted  to  match 
it.  The  scion  of  the  race  of  sturdy  Pennsylvania 
farmers  was,  as  a  boy,  one  of  the  best  products  of  the 
land. 

His  early  home  influences  fostered  a  proper  and 
symmetrical  development  of  his  character.  He  had  a 
good  father  and  mother.  They  were  poor,  but  not 
penurious.  For  the  education  of  their  children,  no 
effort  and  no  sacrifice  were  too  great.  They  struggled, 
with  brave  hearts  and  earnest  souls,  and  conquered  a 
place  for  themselves  and  for  their  boys  in  the  world. 


WINFIELD    SCOTT   HANCOCK.  211 

Hancock  was  brought  up  amidst  this  earnest,  whole 
some,  working  life,  in  which  labor  was  made  cheerful, 
and  a  strong  purpose  moved  every  member  of  the  little 
family  to  accomplish  something  for  the  common  good. 
He  learned  to  be  helpful  to  others,  to  bear  bravely  what 
burdens  came  to  his  lot,  to  be  true  to  himself  whatever 
might  happen,  and  to  trust  in  God. 

The  parents  of  Hancock  seem  to  have  bred  in  him  an 
honorable  ambition  which  directed  his  career  very  dis 
tinctly ;  and  when  he  left  home  for  the  West  Point 
Academy  he  took  with  him  a  lofty  purpose  which  found 
expression  in  earnest  devotion  to  preparation  for  his 
chosen  profession. 

And  then  how  eagerly  he  embraced  the  first  oppor 
tunity  of  putting  to  the  test  the  power  which,  even  as 
a  young  lieutenant,  he  felt  within  him.  His  impulse 
to  action  was  irresistible.  He  saw  a  career  before  him, 
and  the  spirit  within  him  urged  him  forward  to  enter 
upon  it  and  fulfil  his  destiny. 

Hancock's  character  was  such  that  whatever  he  put 
his  hand  to  he  must  do  it  well,  no  matter  what  it  cost 
him  in  labor  or  pain.  As  a  youthful  soldier  in  the 
Mexican  war,  he  was  eagerly  first  in  the  place  of  dan 
ger.  He  was  not  only  daring,  but  brave  ;  and  the  trait 
of  persistence  in  what  he  knew  to  be  his  duty  was 
strongly  developed  by  this  experience. 

Then,  after  a  long  interval,  in  which  the  youth  grew 
to  manhood  and  acquired  a  knowledge  of  men  and  of 
the  ways  of  the  world,  came  the  test  of  the  Rebellion. 

This  found  him  on  the  western  verge  of  the  Union, 
amid  a  disloyal  community,  with  scores  of  the  brightest 


212  LITE   AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

and  bravest  of  his  old  comrades  going  over  boldly  to 
the  support  of  secession.  Did  he  hesitate  ?  Not  for  an 
instant.  It  was  not  even  a  choice  that  he  made.  It 
was  a  prompt  utterance  of  his  inbred  belief,  that  this 
government  of  the  people  must  be  preserved,  and  that 
his  talent,  his  strength,  and  his  life  belonged  to  the 
people  to  save  his  and  their  priceless  inheritance. 

Hancock  was  essentially  and  thoroughly  a  Democrat. 
It  was  his  creed  by  inheritance,  by  education,  and  by 
the  force  of  his  instructed  conscience.  An  "indestructi 
ble  union  of  indestructible  States  "  was  what  he  believed 
in.  It  was  that  for  which  his  ancestors  fought,  that 
which  he  had  sworn  to  preserve,  and  that  which  formed 
the  basis  of  the  great  Republic.  It  was  as  a  Democrat 
that  he  hastened  to  the  preservation  of  this  Union, 
gave  his  best  energies,  and  shed  his  blood  in  its  preser 
vation. 

In  the  war  of  the  Union,  Hancock  developed  those 
rare  administrative  powers  which  made  him  the  model 
commander  as  well  as  the  brave  soldier.  It  was  not 
alone  his  dashing  personal  valor  which  brought  him  so 
rapidly  to  high  command.  Others  possessed  this 
quality  and  yet  never  rose.  It  was  his  solid  character, 
his  true  wisdom,  which  gave  into  his  hands  such  vast 
responsibilities . 

In  this  hard  school  of  war  he  showed  that  he  pos 
sessed  a  judgment  of  men  and  of  means  that  was  quick 
and  accurate ;  that  he  had  fertility  of  resource  and 
readiness  in  execution ;  that  he  could  rule  men  with 
justice  as  he  could  lead  them  with  brilliant  valor. 

And  when  it  was  necessary  to  stir  the  people  to  a 


WINFIELD    SCOTT   HANCOCK.  213 

greater  earnestness  in  filling  up  the  depleted  ranks  of 
our  volunteer  army,  it  was  Hancock  who  was  chosen  to 
visit  Legislatures,  to  meet  in  consultation  with  mer 
chants  and  business  men,  to  organize  public  meetings, 
and  to  present  to  the  loyal  but  weary  North,  in  an 
effective  manner,  the  necessities  for  further  effort.  It 
was  a  mission  as  far  removed  as  possible  from  the  work 
of  leading  troops  to  the  assault  of  a  salient,  and  proba 
bly  no  general  commander  in  the  Union  army  could 
have  succeeded  as  did  Hancock.  But  here,  as  in  every 
field  to  which  he  had  been  called  in  the  performance  of 
his  duty,  Hancock  showed  an  ability  which  conquered 
success. 

He,  so  essentially  a  man  of  the  people,  showed  him 
self  in  every  station  a  ruler  of  the  people  by  his  native 
force,  his  wise  judgment,  his  close  knowledge  of  men 
and  of  things. 

Up  to  the  point  to  which  we  have  now  followed  his 
course,  we  have  seen  his  character  develop  in  strength 
and  power,  not  merely  as  a  brilliant  soldier,  or  as  a 
self-sacrificing  patriot,  but  as  a  strong  man  and  a  wise 
administrator.  He  was  soon  to  be  called  to  duties 
which  should  test  his  statesmanship  in  the  sharpest 
way,  and  prove  whether  his  belief  in  the  principles  on 
which  our  Republic  is  founded  was  intelligent  and  sub 
stantial,  or  misty  and  unstable.  How  nobly  he  proved 
himself,  the  records  of  the  Republic  tell. 


214         LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


CHAPTER    H. 

Assassination  of  President  Lincoln.  —  Arrest  and  Trial  of  the  Con 
spirators.  —  Execution  of  Mrs.  Surratt.  —  Charges  of  Cruelty 
against  General  Hancock.  —  Mrs.  Surratt's  Counsel  makes  a  State 
ment. —  Also  her  Spiritual  Adviser.  —  General  Hancock's  Tender 
ness  toward  the  Unfortunate  Woman  and  her  Daughter. — He 
posts  Couriers  to  Carry  a  Pardon.  —  His  Grief  and  Anxiety. 

BEFORE  General  Hancock  was  called  upon  to  assume 
those  administrative  duties  whose  performance  has 
given  him  world-wide  fame  as  a  civil  executive,  he  had 
to  pass  through  an  ordeal  which  tested  his  powers  and 
proved  his  strength  of  character  under  the  most  trying 
circumstances,  and  in  a  period  of  the  greatest  excite 
ment. 

His  headquarters  were  still  in  the  valley  of  the 
Shenandoah,  when,  on  April  14,  1865,  the  conspiracy 
against  the  administration  culminated  in  the  assassina 
tion  of  President  Lincoln,  and  the  grievous  wounding 
of  Secretary  Seward.  The  whole  people  were  never 
before  so  shaken  and  unnerved,  even  when  confronted 
with  the  severest  disasters  in  the  field,  as  on  that  dread 
ful  Friday  in  April,  1865.  It  seemed  to  most  patriotic 
people  as  though  the  sun  of  liberty  had  gone  into  per 
petual  eclipse.  A  feeling  of  such  universal  fear  and 
distrust  pervaded  the  nation,  that  men  looked  in  each 
other's  faces  with  the  despair  which  comes  over  the 


WTNFIELD   SCOTT   HANCOCK.  215 

soul  when  nature  experiences   some  awful  cataclysm, 
and  when  there  is  no  longer  any  hope  for  mankind. 

General  Hancock  was  summoned  at  once  to  Wash 
ington.  The  extent  of  the  conspiracy  soon  became 
known,  and  the  measures  taken  by  him  to  confront  the 
secret  peril  were  thorough,  and  contributed  greatly  to 
allay  the  terror.  When  Hancock's  presence  in  Wash 
ington  was  known  over  the  country,  as  it  soon  was 
announced  by  telegraph,  men  said  to  each  other, 
"  Thank  God,  a  man  is  in  Washington  now  who  can  be 
trusted  in  any  emergency." 

General  Hancock  remained  in  Washington,  by  order 
of  President  Johnson,  during  the  days  of  the  trial  of 
the  conspirators,  and  until  after  their  execution.  He 
was  military  commander  of  the  District,  having  under 
him  about  one  hundred  thousand  men,  with  the  Presi 
dent  and  the  Secretary  of  War  only  as  his  superiors .  But 
with  the  trial  of  the  prisoners,  or  with  their  watching  and 
care,  he  had  nothing  to  do.  General  Hartranft  was  the 
commander  of  the  Arsenal  in  which  they  were  confined, 
and  he,  as  Provost-Marshal  of  the  District,  attended  to 
the  details  of  their  imprisonment,  and,  after  the  sen 
tence,  carried  out  the  execution  of  the  death-penalty. 
General  Hancock  simply  transmitted  the  order  for  the 
execution  as  it  came  to  him  from  his  superior  officer, 
the  President  of  the  United  States. 

There  is  little  doubt  entertained  by  unprejudiced 
men,  now  that  the  fever  of  excitement  has  passed  away, 
that  the  execution  of  Mrs.  Surratt  was  a  murder  under 
the  forms  of  military  law.  But  it  is  unjust  to  charge 
the  blame  for  this  horrible  error  upon  Secretary  Stan- 


216  LIFE   AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

ton  and  his  "Department  of  Justice,"  cruel  and  vin 
dictive  as  the  Secretary  of  War  and  his  agents  showed 
themselves  on  many  occasions.  For  back  of  them 
there  was  a  terrible  popular  cry  for  blood.  The  cir 
cumstances  were  peculiar.  For  the  first  time  in  the 
history  of  the  American  Eepublic,  assassination  had 
been  resorted  to  as  a  remedy  for  what  were  considered 
political  wrongs ;  and  even  the  sober  judgment  of  the 
people  was  shaken  by  this  terrible  development.  Had 
Stanton  been  a  different  man,  he  might  have  restrained, 
or  at  least  stood  firm  against,  this  loud  clamor  for 
victims,  although  it  came  with  the  most  merciless 
reiteration  from  the  party  on  whom  he  depended. 
It  was,  indeed,  more  the  work  of  Stanton's  party  than 
of  the  revengeful  Secretary  himself. 

General  Hancock's  share  in  this  tragedy  was,  as  we 
have  stated,  only  that  of  a  spectator  charged  with 
maintaining  the  peace  and  order  daring  the  operations 
of  the  judicial  and  executive  departments.  And  at  this 
late  day,  it  is  only  ignorance  of  history  which  can 
excuse  such  animadversions  upon  his  course  as  have 
been  made  in  some  quarters.  As  a  soldier,  he  had  a 
peculiar  abhorrence  of  the  idea  of  executing  the  penalty 
of  death  upon  a  woman ;  and  while,  of  course,  the 
whole  business  was  entirely  outside  of  his  sphere,  he 
yet  did  what  he  could,  as  military  commander,  to 
facilitate  the  communication  of  Mrs.  Surratt  with  her 
counsel  and  friends,  and  interested  himself  by  advice  to 
her  daughter,  and  by  providing  for  the  quick  transmis 
sion  of  a  pardon  or  a  reprieve,  which,  up  to  the  last 
moment,  he  hoped  might  be  granted. 


WINFIELD   SCOTT  HANCOCK.  217 

The  counsel  of  Mrs.  Surratt,  her  spiritual  advisers, 
and  the  protector  of  her  unfortuate  daughter,  join  in 
warm  praise  of  General  Hancock's  sympathetic  words 
and  acts  on  this  occasion ;  but  the  whole  story  is  so 
clearly  and  effectively  set  forth  in  recent  correspond 
ence,  that  we  prefer  to  let  the  actors  in  that  terrible 
drama  speak  for  themselves. 

On  the  17th  of  July,  1880,  Hon.  T.  W.  Bartley  of 
Washington  addressed  a  letter  of  inquiry  to  Hon.  John 
W.  Clampitt,  of  Illinois,  the  only  surviving  one  of  the 
counsel  who  defended  Mrs.  Surratt,  asking  his  state 
ment  of  the  relations  of  General  Hancock  to  the  sad 
affair.  Judge  Clampitt  promptly  responded,  under 
date  of  July  22.  This  correspondence  is  herewith 
given :  — 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  July  17,  1880. 
JOHN  "W.  CLAMPITT,  ESQ.,  Highland  Park,  Lake  County,  111. : 

DEAR  SIR,  —  As  you  were  the  counsel  for  Mrs.  Mary  E.  Sur 
ratt,  on  her  trial  before  the  Military  Commission  at  Washington 
in  1865,  and  also  were,  as  I  am  informed,  present  and  cog 
nizant  of  all  that  took  place  on  the  trial,  and  connected  with 
the  proceedings  up  to  the  time  of  the  execution,  permit  me  to 
inquire  and  ask  of  you  a  candid  statement  of  the  facts,  as  to 
the  relative  position  and  conduct  of  Gen.  W.  S.  Hancock 
from  the  time  of  the  commencement  of  the  trial  until  the 
execution;  also,  as  to  alleged  acts  of  unkindness  of  the 
General  towards  Mrs.  Surratt,  her  daughter  Anna,  and  her 
spiritual  adviser,  on  the  morning  or  day  of  the  execution ; 
and  whether  the  responsibility  for  the  organization  of  the 
Commission,  and  for  the  trial  and  execution  rested  entirely 
on  and  was  assumed  by  the  President  and  Secretary  of  War 
and  the  Judge-Advocate-General ;  and  whether,  in  the  events 


218  LIFE   AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES   OF 

which  took  place  connected  therewith,  General  Hancock  had 
any  discretion  or  responsibility  whatsoever. 

Your  prompt  reply  hereto  will  be  an  additional  act  of  yours 
in  the  cause  of  justice  and  truth. 

Very  respectfully,  etc., 

T.  W.  HARTLEY. 

HIGHLAND  PARK,  LAKE  COUNTY,  ILL.,  July  22, 1880. 
Hon.  T.  W.  HARTLEY,  Washington,  D.  C. : 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — Your  letter  of  the  20th  inst.  is  at  hand, 
requesting  from  me,  as  I  was  counsel  of  that  most  unfortunate 
lady,  Mrs.  Mary  E.  Surratt,  a  candid  statement  of  the  facts 
connected  with  her  trial  before  the  Military  Commission  at 
Washington  in  1865,  and  relating  to  the  position  and  con 
duct  of  Gen.  W.  S.  Hancock  from  the  time  of  the  commence 
ment  of  the  trial  until  the  execution ;  also,  to  the  alleged 
unkindness  of  General  Hancock  to  Anna,  the  daughter  of 
Mrs.  Surratt,  on  the  morning  of  the  execution,  and  to  her 
spiritual  adviser ;  and,  further,  whether  the  responsibility  for 
the  organization  of  the  Commission,  and  for  the  trial  and 
execution,  rested  entirely  on  and  were  assumed  by  the 
President  and  his  legal  advisers ;  and  whether,  as  to  those 
matters  which  took  place,  General  Hancock  had  any  discre 
tion  or  responsibility  whatsoever.  I  desire  to  state  in  reply, 
that  it  affords  me  great  pleasure  to  accede  to  your  request. 
I  was  counsel  for  the  late  Mrs.  Surratt,  and  took  a  deep 
interest  in  her  case,  and  the  important  facts  connected  with 
the  trial,  — and  its  principal  actors,  because  known  to  me,  — 
some  of  which  bear  directly  upon  the  inquiries  contained  in 
your  letter.  As  the  only  surviving  counsel  of  that  deeply- 
wronged  lady,  and  one  who  was  present  at  each  day  of  the 
prolonged  trial,  and  conversant  with  all  its  details,  my  testi 
mony  may  be  of  interest  in  the  establishment  of  truth  and  the 
furtherance  of  justice. 


WTNFIELD   SCOTT   HANCOCK.  219 

The  order  originating  the  Military  Commission  which  tried 
and  condemned  Mrs.  Surratt,  was  from  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  and  as  follows,  to  wit :  — 

"EXECUTIVE  CHAMBER,  WASHINGTON  CITY,  May  1,  1865. 
"  Whereas,  The  Attorney-General  of  the  United  States  hath 
given  his  opinion  that  the  persons  implicated  in  the  murder  of 
the  late  President  Abraham  Lincoln,  and  the  attempted  assassina 
tion  of  the  Hon.  William  II.  Seward,  Secretary  of  State,  and  in  an 
alleged  conspiracy  to  assassinate  other  officers  of  the  Federal  Gov 
ernment  at  Washington  City,  and  their  aiders  and  abettors,  are  sub 
ject  to  the  jurisdiction  of,  and  lawfully  triable  before  a  Military 
Commission;  it  is  ordered:  First,  that  the  Assistant  Adjutant- 
General  detail  nine  competent  military  officers  to  serve  as  a  Com 
mission  for  the  trial  of  said  parties,  and  that  the  Judge-Advocate- 
General  proceed  to  prefer  charges  against  said  parties  for  their 
alleged  offences,  and  bring  them  to  trial  before  said  Military  Com 
mission.  That  said  trial,  or  trials,  be  conducted  by  the  said  Judge- 
Advocate-General,  and  as  recorder  thereof,  in  person,  aided  by  such 
assistant  and  special  judge-advocates  as  he  may  designate ;  and  that 
said  trials  be  conducted  with  all  diligence  consistent  with  the  ends 
of  justice,  the  said  Commission  to  sit  without  regard  to  hours. 
Second,  that  Brevet  Major-General  Hartranft  be  assigned  to  duty 
as  special  Provost  Marshal-General,  for  the  purpose  of  said  trial, 
and  attendance  upon  said  Commission,  and  the  execution  of  its 
mandates.  Third,  that  the  said  Commission  establish  such  order 
or  rules  of  proceeding  as  may  avoid  unnecessary  delay,  and  con 
duce  to  the  ends  of  public  justice. 

(Signed)  "  ANDREW  JOHNSON." 

By  special  orders  No.  211,  from  the  War  Department, 
through  the  office  of  the  Adjutant-General,  a  Military  Com 
mission  was  appointed  to  meet  at  Washington,  on  Monday, 
the  eighth  day  of  May,  for  the  trial  of  David  E.  Harold, 
George  A.  Atzerodt,  Lewis  Payne,  Michael  O'Laughlan, 
Edward  Spangler,  Samuel  Arnold,  Mary  E.  Surratt,  Samuel 
A.  Mudd,  and  such  other  prisoners  as  might  be  brought 


220  LIFE   AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

before  it,  charged  with  the  murder  of  the  late  President 
Abraham  Lincoln,  and  the  attempted  assassination  of  the 
Secretary  of  State,  William  H.  Seward,  etc. 

The  detail  for  the  Military  Commission  by  the  President 
was  as  follows  :— 

Major-General  David  Hunter,  U.  S.  Volunteers. 
Lewis  Wallace,  U.  S.  Volunteers. 

Brevet  Major-General  A.  V.  Kautz,  U.  S.  Volunteers. 

Brigadier-General  Albion  P.  Howe,  U.  S.  Volunteers. 
"        Robert  S.  Foster,  U.  S.  Volunteers. 

Brevet  Brigadier-General  Jas.  A.  Ekin,  U.  S.  Volunteers. 

T.  M.  Harris,  U.  S.  Volunteers. 

Brevet  Colonel  C.  H.  Tompkins,  U.  S.  Army. 

Lieutenant-Colonel  David  R.  Clendenin,  8th  HI.  Cavalry. 

Brigadier-General  Joseph  Holt,  Judge- Advocate. 

John  A.  Bingham  and  Brevet  Colonel  H.  L.  Burnett 
appeared  as  Assistant  Judge- Advocates. 

The  trial  of  the  parties  arraigned  proceeded  from  day  to 
day  until  its  close,  on  the  30th  of  June,  1865,  without  fur 
ther  general  or  special  orders  affecting  the  personnel  of  the 
Commission,  when  the  findings  of  the  Commission  were 
transmitted  to  the  President  of  the  United  States,  through 
the  Secretary  of  War,  for  his  approval. 

On  the  fifth  day  of  July,  1865,  the  President  approved  the 
findings  of  the  Commission  and  ordered  the  execution  of 
Mrs.  Surratt,  Payne,  Harold,  and  Atzerodt,  in  the  following 
military  order,  transmitted  through  the  Adjutant-General  of 
the  army,  to  wit : — 

"  WAR  DEPARTMENT,  ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S  OFFICE,  ) 
"  WASHINGTON,  July  5,  1865.      $ 

"To  MAJOR-GENERAL  "W.  S.  HANCOCK,  United  States  Volunteers,  Com 
manding  the  Middle  Military  Division,  Washington,  D.  C. : 

"  Whereas,  By  the  Military  Commission  appointed  in  paragraph 
4  special  orders  No.  211,  dated  War  Department,  Adjutant-Gen- 


WESTIELD    SCOTT   HANCOCK.  221 

eral's  Office,  Washington,  May  6,  1865,  and  of  which  Major-Gen 
eral  David  Hunter,  United  States  Volunteers,  was  President,  the 
following  persons  were  tried,  and  after  mature  consideration  of 
evidence  adduced  in  their  cases,  were  found  and  sentenced  as 
hereinafter  stated,  as  follows : —  (Here  follow  the  findings  and 
sentences  in  the  cases  of  David  E.  Harold,  G.  A.  Atzerodt,  Lewis 
Payne,  and  Mary  E.  Surratt.) 

"  And  whereas,  the  President  of  the  United  States  has  approved 
the  foregoing  sentences  in  the  following  order,  to  wit : — 

"  EXECUTIVE  MANSION,  July  5,  1865. 

"  The  foregoing  sentences  in  the  cases  of  David  E.  Harold,  G.  A.  Atzerodt, 
Lewis  Payne,  and  Mary  E.  Surratt  are  hereby  approved,  and  it  is  ordered 
that  the  sentences  in  the  cases  of  David  E.  Harold,  G.  A.  Atzerodt,  Lewis 
Payne  and  Mary  E.  Surratt  be  carried  into  execution  by  the  proper  military 
authority,  under  the  direction  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  on  the  seventh  day 
of  July,  1865,  between  the  hours  of  10  o'clock  A.  M.  and  2  o'clock  p.  M.  of 
that  day. 

(Signed) 

"  ANDREW  JOHNSON,  President." 

"  Therefore,  you  are  hereby  commanded  to  cause,  the  foregoing 
sentences  in  the  cases  of  David  E.  Harold,  G  A.  Atzerodt,  Lewis 
Payne,  and  Mary  E.  Surratt  to  be  duly  executed,  in  accordance 
with  the  President's  order. 

"  By  command  of  the  President  of  the  United  States, 

"  E.  D.  TOWNSEND,  Ass't  Adjutant-General." 

From  the  official  proceedings  it  will  be  observed  that  Gen 
eral  Hancock  had  nothing  whatever  to  do  with  the  organiza 
tion  of  this  Military  Commission,  nor  was  he  in  the  slightest 
degree  responsible  for  its  organization,  or  the  execution  of 
its  mandates  ;  nor  did  he  possess  any  discretion  in  the  matters 
relating  thereto  in  any  degree  whatsoever. 

It  is  true  that  the  order  of  the  President  directing  the  exe 
cution  of  the  condemned  parties  was  transmitted  through  the 
commandant  of  the  military  post  to  Major-General  Hartranft, 
who  had  been  designated  by  the  President  in  Executive 
Order,  dated  May  1,  1865  (and  above  quoted),  as  a  special 
Provost-Marshal  for  the  purpose  of  said  trial  and  attendance 


222  LITE   AND   PUBLIC   SERVICES   OF 

upon  said  Commission  and  the  execution  of  its  mandates.  It 
could  not  have  been  otherwise  in  feature  and  form,  from  the 
very  nature  of  the  military  organization  of  the  government  and 
its  regulations  and  rules  of  procedure.  General  Hancock 
was  in  command  of  a  geographical  Military  Division,  com 
prising  several  States,  of  which  Washington  City,  where  his 
headquarters  had  been  located  by  the  President's  order,  was 
a  part  at  the  time  Mrs.  Surratt  was  sentenced  to  death. 
Being  chief  in  command  of  that  Military  Division,  the  order 
of  the  President,  through  the  War  Department,  had  inev- 
itabty  to  pass  through  him  for  transmission  to  the  officer 
specially  designated  by  the  same  authority  (Ex.  Order,  May 
1,  1865)  to  execute  the  mandates  of  the  Commission  that 
condemned  Mrs.  Surratt  to  death. 

It  is  a  notable  fact  that  Brevet  Major-General  Hartranft, 
and  not  Major-General  Hancock,  gave  the  verbal  order  of 
execution,  after  first  reading,  while  standing  on  the  platform 
beside  the  prisoners,  the  findings  of  the  Military  Commission 
and  the  President's  order  of  approval. 

I  was  an  eye-witness  to  the  execution,  and  assert  these 
facts  as  beyond  contradiction.  In  this  General  Hartranft 
performed  his  duty  as  the  subordinate  officer  of  the  President 
from  whom  he  had  derived  his  powers  as  Special  Provost- 
Marshal.  The  functions  of  General  Hancock  were  purely 
ministerial  as  the  "  Commandant  of  the  Military  Post,"  etc., 
and  not  judicial,  and  he  took  no  part  in  the  execution.  The 
act,  which  was  performed  in  obedience  to  an  order  of  the 
President,  was  not  Hancock's  act,  but  the  act  of  his  superior, 
having  power  to  command.  The  President's  order  for  the 
execution  of  Mrs.  Surratt  was  not  the  order  of  Hancock,  but 
was  the  President's  order,  and  was  made  on  the  responsibil 
ity  of  the  President.  The  responsibilty  of  that  order  rested 
with  Andrew  Johnson,  and  his  ill-advisers ;  and  Andrew 
Johnson  is  in  his  grave, 


WINFIELD   SCOTT    HANCOCK.  223 

It  has  been  suggested  that  General  Hancock  should  have 
resigned  rather  than  have  been  the  passive  medium  through 
which  the  order  for  execution  was  transmitted.  There  can 
be  no  weight  in  that  suggestion.  He  was  in  command  of  the 
post,  and  had  many  and  diversified  duties  and  responsibil 
ities  to  perform ;  and  no  soldier,  no  citizen  in  fact,  can 
properly  avoid  the  performance  of  his  duty  by  deserting  the 
post  to  which  that  duty  belongs,  on  account  of  the  order  of 
a  superior  over  whom  he  has  no  control. 

No  officer  of  the  army  has  the  right  to  resign  his  com 
mission  at  his  own  pleasure,  as  every  intelligent  citizen 
knows.  He  may  tender  it,  but  it  remains  with  the  govern 
ment  to  accept,  when,  where,  and  how  it  pleases.  The  24th 
paragraph,  Art.  5,  of  the  United  States  Army  Regulations, 
says : — 

"  That  any  officer,  who,  having  tendered  his  resignation,  shall, 
prior  to  due  notice  of  the  acceptance  of  the  same  by  the  proper 
authority,  and  without  leave,  quit  his  post,  or  proper  duties,  with 
the  intent  to  remain  permanently  absent  therefrom,  shall  be 
registered  as  a  deserter,  and  punished  as  such." 

In  this  instance,  General  Hancock  retained  his  post  and 
performed  his  duty. 

As  the  counsel  of  Mrs.  Surratt,  I  can  testify  of  my  own 
knowledge,  that  he  was  deeply  moved  in  her  behalf,  and  dis 
tressed  on  her  account.  As  to  the  point,  whether,  on  the 
morning  of  the  execution  of  Mrs.  Surratt,  he  refused  her  the 
privilege  of  having  the  spiritual  consolation  of  her  religion, 
by  denying  her  the  assistance  of  a  priest,  this  charge  I  know 
to  be  untrue,  and  it  is  effectually  refuted  by  the  testimony  of 
the  Rev.  J.  A.  Walter,  her  spiritual  adviser,  which  has  come 
to  my  knowledge.  This  testimony  is  in  the  form  of  a  letter 
addressed  by  Father  Walter  to  General  Hancock,  dated 
Washington,  Nov.  14,  1879,  which  has  been  published,  in 


224  LIFE   AND   PUBLIC   SERVICES    OF 

which  he  completely  refutes  the  charge.    I  quote  a  portion  of 
his  letter  as  follows,  to  wit : — 

"  I  am  at  a  loss  how  to  account  for  this  malicious  report.  I 
have  always  believed  you  to  be  too  much  of  a  Christian  and  gen 
tleman  to  suppose  for  a  moment  that  you  would  interfere  with 
any  one's  religious  feelings,  much  less  in  the  case  of  this  unfor 
tunate  lady  for  whom  you  showed  much  sympathy.  Duty  which 
I  owe  to  truth,  and  strict  justice  to  you,  compel  me  to  deny  these 
false  charges,  and  exonerate  you  from  all  blame." 

In  corroboration  of  the  foregoing  explicit  statement  of 
Rev.  J.  A.  Walter,  I  can  add  my  own  testimony  establishing 
the  fact  of  the  presence  of  her  spiritual  advisers  ;  as  on  the 
morning  of  the  execution,  and  just  previous  to  that  terrible 
event,  when  I  came  to  bid  her  "  Good-by,"  and  pressed  her 
hand  in  parting,  it  was  in  the  presence  of  Fathers  Walter  and 
Wiget,  whose  holy  serenity  seemed  to  fill  her  cell  with  a 
heavenly  light. 

As  to  the  charge  that  General  Hancock  refused  to  obey 
the  writ  of  habeas  corpus,  sued  out  by  me  as  the  counsel  of 
Mrs.  Surratt  before  Judge  W}die,  I  know  this  to  be  wholly 
groundless.  The  records  of  the  Court  show  that  on  the 
morning  of  the  execution,  upon  proper  application,  at  the 
early  hour  of  two  o'clock,  Judge  Wylie  with  characteristic 
firmness  issued  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus,  ordering  the  Com 
mandant  of  the  Military  District  in  which  she  was  confined 
to  produce  the  body  of  Mrs.  Surratt  in  his  Court  at  ten 
o'clock  (the  hour  of  execution  having  been  named  in  the 
order  as  between  ten  A.  M.  and  two  o'clock  p.  M.  of  the 
same  day) .  This  writ  was  by  me  handed  to  the  Marshal  of 
the  District  of  Columbia,  at  a  very  early  hour  in  the  morning. 
It  is  a  fact  sustained  by  the  records  of  the  Court,  that  Gen 
eral  Hancock  appeared  in  obedience  to  that  summons  before 
his  Honor  Judge  Wylie,  accompanied  by  the  Attorney-Gen- 


WINFIELD   SCOTT   HANCOCK.  225 

eral  of  the  United  States,  who,  as  the  representative  of  the 
President,  presented  to  Judge  Wylie  the  following  return, 
which  was  an  executive  order  suspending  the  writ  of  habeas 
corpus,  to  wit : — 

"  EXECUTIVE  OFFICE,  July  7,  1865, 11  o'clock,  A.  M. 
"  To  MAJOR-GENERAL  W.  S.  HANCOCK,  Commanding,  etc. : 

"  I,  Andrew  Johnson,  President  of  the  United  States,  do  hereby 
declare  that  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  has  been  heretofore  sus 
pended  in  such  cases  as  this  ;  and  I  do  hereby  especially  suspend 
this  writ,  and  direct  that  you  proceed  to  execute  the  order  hereto 
fore  given,  upon  the  judgment  of  the  Military  Commission,  and 
you  will  give  this  order  in  return  to  this  writ. 

(Signed)  "  ANDREW  JOHNSON,  President." 

It  is  thus  seen  how  false  is  the  charge  that  General  Han 
cock  refused  to  obey  the  writ  issued  by  Judge  Wylie.  The 
very  reverse  is  the  truth.  Not  only  did  he  obey  the  writ,  so 
far  as  he  was  permitted  to  do  so,  thus  subordinating  the 
military  to  the  civil  power  of  the  government,  but  so  prompt 
and  clear  was  the  performance  of  his  duty,  in  the  estimation 
of  the  Court,  that  Judge  Wylie  complimented  him  on  his  ready 
obedience  to  the  civil  authority,  and  discharged  him  from  the 
process  because  of  his  own  inability  to  enforce  the  order  of 
the  Court. 

Judge  Wyh'e  acquiesced  in  the  suspension  of  his  writ  by 
the  President,  and  declined  to  go  any  further.  General  Han 
cock's  appearance  before  the  Judge  showed  his  respect  for 
the  civil  process  of  the  Court ;  and  it  became  his  duty  to  pre 
sent  to  the  Judge  the  order  of  the  President  suspending  the 
writ,  and  to  know  whether  he  would  submit  to  or  reject  the 
suspension  of  the  writ.  If  Judge  Wylie  had  said  that  he 
would  consider  the  question  of  validity  of  the  order  suspend 
ing  the  writ  when  Mrs.  Surratt  was  brought  before  him,  and 
directed  her  to  be  brought  into  Court,  General  Hancock 


226  LIFE   AND   PUBLIC   SERVICES   OF 

would  doubtless  have  produced  the  body.  But  the  Judge, 
complimenting  the  General  for  his  respect  for  the  civil 
authority,  dismissed  his  proceedings  here.  There  was  not 
the  slightest  show  of  any  disposition  on  the  part  of  General 
Hancock  to  resist  the  civil  process  of  the  Court.  The  charge, 
therefore,  that  he  refused  to  obey  the  writ,  is  without  the 
slightest  foundation  in  truth. 

No  one  can  at  this  time  realize  the  extent  of  the  popular  frenzy 
and  clamor  for  the  execution  of  the  parties  condemned ;  and 
Judge  Wylie  showed  great  judicial  integrity  in  awarding  the  writ 
at  all  under  the  circumstances.  Had  the  order  of  the  Court  ex 
tended  further,  and  Judge  Wylie  insisted  upon  the  produc 
tion  before  him  of  the  body  of  Mrs.  Surratt  notwithstanding 
the  order  of  the  President,  General  Hancock  might  then  have 
been  chargeable  with  disobeying  the  process,  had  he  refused  ; 
but  no  such  further  order  was  made,  and  General  Hancock 
was  dismissed  by  the  Court  from  the  process.  What  else  could 
he  have  done  ?  While  he  acted  under  the  orders  of  the  Presi 
dent,  he  submitted  to  and  showed  due  respect  for  the  judicial 
authority. 

The  question  asked  in  newspaper  discussions,  why  General 
Hancock  was  present  at  the  Arsenal  on  the  morning  of  the 
execution,  is  easily  answered.  The  application  for  a  pardon 
for  Mrs.  Surratt  was  expected  to  to  be  renewed  that  morning, 
and  that  on  his  own  suggestion  ;  and  he  deemed  it  proper  to 
be  at  a  convenient  place  to  afford  his  aid  in  case  of  a  pardon. 

I  was  myself  on  the  ground  and  deeply  interested  in  all  that 
occurred  at  the  time,  and  I  know  the  fact  that  General  Han 
cock  afforded  to  Mrs.  Surratt  every  kindness  in  his  power, 
and  was  anxious  that  she  should  be  spared  by  a  pardon,  and 
he  hoped  for  it  up  to  the  very  last.  And  when  Miss  Anna 
Surratt  called  upon  him  at  his  hotel  early  on  the  morning  of 
the  execution,  and  asked  him  what  she  could  do  to  save  the 
life  of  her  mother,  he  replied,  "  that  there  was  but  one  thing 


WINFIELD    SCOTT   HANCOCK.  227 

remaining  for  her  to  do,  and  that  was  to  go  to  the  President, 
throw  herself  on  her  knees  before  him  and  beg  for  the  life  of 
her  mother."  She  did  not  ask  General  Hancock  to  accom 
pany  her  to  the  President,  nor  could  it  have  been  expected, 
as  that  would  be  improper  in  him.  And  it  was  unnecessary, 
as  her  protector,  Mr.  Brophy,  was  with  her.  It  has  been 
stated  that  Miss  Surratt  thought  his  manner  cold.  His 
language  to  her  certainly  should  convey  any  other  idea.  He 
was  at  that  moment  in  a  state  of  great  perplexity  as  to  the 
disposition  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  which  had  been  served 
upon  him,  and  suspended  by  the  President,  and  he  had  but 
little  time  to  make  answer  and  return  the  same.  To  this  fact 
may  be  ascribed  his  serious  manner,  taken  for  coldness. 

The  facts  show  that  so  deeply  was  General  Hancock  moved 
in  the  matter,  that  his  feelings  led  him  to  believe  it  possible 
for  the  President  to  relent  at  the  last  moment ;  and  should  the 
President  so  act,  that  the  reprieve  might  not  arrive  too  late, 
but  be  borne  swiftly  on  its  mission  of  mercy,  General  Hancock 
had  couriers  stationed  at  points  from  the  White  House  to  the 
Arsenal,  in  order  that  if  a  pardon  or  respite  should  be  issued 
by  the  President,  at  the  last  moment,  it  should  reach  its  des 
tination  promptly  and  before  the  execution.  This  is  the  evi 
dence  of  Gen.  W.  G.  Mitchell,  Chief  of  General  Hancock's 
staff. 

This  evidence  is  corroborated  by  the  sworn  testimony  of 
Mr.  John  P.  Brophy,  now  at  St.  Louis  College,  N.  Y.,  aud 
at  that  time  a  resident  of  Washington  City.  Mr.  Brophy  was 
a  friend  of  the  family,  and  after  the  imprisonment  of  the 
mother  he  befriended  the  daughter,  Anna.  On  the  morning 
of  the  execution  he  met  her  at  the  Executive  Mansion  in  the 
hope  of  seeing  the  President,  whither  she  had  gone  at  the  sug 
gestion  of  General  Hancock  to  beg  the  life  of  her  mother. 
Mr.  Brophy,  who  did  all  in  his  power  to  befriend  the  hapless 
girl  and  aid  the  mother  in  her  sorrowful  condition,  and  who 


228  LITE   AND   PUBLIC   SERVICES   OF 

is  a  gentleman  of  high  character,  testifies,  under  oath,  as  to 
the  humanity  displayed  by  General  Hancock  towards  the  un 
fortunate  mother  and  daughter,  on  the  morning  of  the  execu 
tion.  The  following  are  extracts  from  his  sworn  statement :  — 

"On  our  way  from  the  White  House  to  the  Arsenal,  I 
noticed  mounted  soldiers  at  intervals  along  the  route."  These 
were  the  couriers,  stationed  by  order  of  General  Hancock, 
to  convey  to  him  any  notice  of  reprieve  from  the  President. 
At  the  Arsenal  gate,  he,  accompanying  Anna  Surratt  to  bid 
her  mother  farewell,  met  General  Hancock,  who  spoke  to 
Anna,  and,  in  a  voice  of  subdued  sadness,  told  her  that  he 
feared  there  was  no  hope  of  Executive  clemency.  He  in 
formed  Mr.  Brophy  that  he  had,  however,  stationed  mounted 
men  all  along  the  line  to  the  White  House  for  the  purpose  of 
hastening  the  tidings  should  the  President  at  the  last  moment 
relent  and  grant  a  reprieve  for  Mrs.  Surratt.  He  also  stated 
to  Mr.  Brophy  that,  should  a  reprieve  be  granted  by  the 
President,  it  might  be  directed  to  him  as  Commandant  of  the 
Department,  and  that  he  would  be  at  the  Arsenal  till  the  last 
moment  to  give  effect  to  the  same  should  it  arrive. 

Mr.  Brophy  further  states  that  he  is  "impelled  by  a  sense 
of  duty  to  add  his  testimony  to  others  in  vindication  of  one 
who  has  been  most  unjustly  assailed  for  alleged  misconduct 
of  which  no  brave  man  could  possibly  be  guilty.  That  he  is 
not  a  politician,  but  loves  justice,  and  feels  that  he  has  done 
an  act  of  simple  justice  to  as  knightly  a  warrior  as  ever 
'  saluted  with  his  spotless  sword  the  sacred  majesty  of  the 
law.'" 

And  now,  my  dear  Sir,  I  believe  I  have  covered  all  the 
points  of  your  inquiry  in  as  brief  and  candid  a  manner  as 
the  importance  and  gravity  of  the  subject  demand. 

There  are  many  facts  connected  with  the  trial  and  execu 
tion  which  I  have  omitted  as  not  within  the  scope  of  your 
inquiry.  This  much,  however,  is  fully  established :  that 


WINFIELD    SCOTT   HANCOCK.  229 

General  Hancock  was  in  no  wise  responsible  for  the  organi 
zation  of  the  Military  Commission  that  condemned  Mrs.  Sur- 
ratt  to  death  ;  that  her  trial  and  execution  rested  entirely  on 
the  will  and  determination  of  the  President  and  his  consti 
tutional  advisers ;  and  that  General  Hancock  in  all  matters 
pertaining  to  the  same  had  no  discretion  or  responsibility 
whatsoever,  nor  could  he,  from  his  official  position,  have  in 
fluenced  or  controlled  them  in  the  slightest  degree.  He  never 
attended  the  sessions  of  the  Commission,  but  was  busily 
engaged  in  the  diversified  and  extensive  cares  of  the  military 
command,  which  required  his  entire  time  and  attention.  As 
I  attended  the  Commission  every  day  of  the  trial,  I  know 
that  he  was  never  seen  about  the  rooms  of  the  Commission. 
General  Hartranft  attended  on  the  Commission  daily,  and 
this  he  did  as  special  Provost  Marshal,  so  as  to  be  under  the 
immp.rlin.tp.  direction  of  the  President  and  Secretary  of  War, 
instead  of  the  Military  Commandant  of  the  Post. 

In  conclusion,  permit  a  single  reflection.  The  trial  and 
execution  spoken  of  were  demanded  at  the  time  by  the  whole 
Republican  party  ;  the  intensity  of  the  public  feeling  and  the 
infuriated  demand  for  the  execution  of  the  condemned  parties 
cannot  now  be  realized ;  and  President  Johnson,  Secretary 
Stanton,  and  Judge- Advocate-General  Holt,  who  had  the 
entire  control  of  the  matter,  were  acting  under  the  dictates 
of  that  political  party,  and  simply  carrying  out  its  imperative 
demands.  How  humiliating  to  the  intellect  of  the  country 
the  reflection  that  the  same  political  party  that  had  the  entire 
responsibility  for  the  atrocious  murder  of  that  innocent 
woman,  should  now,  for  mere  political  effect,  attempt  falsely 
and  most  wrongfully  to  injure  a  brave  soldier,  who  so  often 
perilled  his  life  to  save  the  Union,  by  charging  upon  him 
misconduct  for  having  in  some  way  participated  in  that  act 
which  that  whole  party  demanded  and  approved  at  the  time  ! 

For  standing  by  Mrs,  Surratt  in  her  terrible  ordeal.  I  my- 


230  LIFE   AND   PUBLIC   SEEVICES   OF 

self  felt  the  malignity  and  vengeance  of  that  political  party 
heaped  upon  my  own  head  for  the  humble  part  I  took  ;  and, 
now,  the  attempt  of  these  politicians  falsely  and  unjustly  to 
traduce  General  Hancock  for  a  responsibility  he  never  had, 
shows  the  utmost  depravity  of  human  nature.  While  their 
own  hands  are  reeking  with  the  blood  of  an  innocent  woman, 
which  they  had  demanded  with  fiendish  malignity,  they  seek 
to  defame,  for  base  purposes,  one  of  the  bravest  heroes  of  the 
war,  by  the  attempts  to  falsely  implicate  him  in  the  infamy  of 
their  own  crime. 

Respectfully  yours, 

JOHN  W.  CLAMPITT. 

Nothing  needs  to  be  added  to  this  very  comprehen 
sive  and  detailed  statement  of  Judge  Clampitt.  It 
shows  not  only  General  Hancock's  kindness  of  heart 
and  his  unflinching  performance  of  duty,  but  it  illus 
trates  his  reverence  for  and  loyalty  to  the  civil  power. 
Even  amid  such  excitement  as  prevailed  at  that  time, 
he  recognized  the  supremacy  of  law,  and  yielded  to  the 
representatives  of  law  his  prompt  obedience.  His 
course  during  this  trying  ordeal  is  a  credit  alike  to  his 
heart  and  his  conscience. 


WINFIELD   SCOTT   HANCOCK.  231 


CHAPTER  III. 

Hancock  again  at  the  West.— He  is  Called  back  to  take  Command  of 
the  Fifth  Military  District. — The  Stormy  Condition  of  Politics  at 
this  Time. —  Sketch  of  tho  Progress  of  Reconstruction. — The  Quar 
rel  between  the  Executive  and  Congress.— Military  Rule  Triumph 
ant. —  The  South  Divided  up  into  Satrapies. —  Sheridan  Removed, 
and  Hancock  Called  to  take  his  Place. 

THE  hour  was  now  approaching  when  General  Han 
cock  would  be  called  upon  to  display,  under  circum 
stances  of  peculiar  difficulty  and  importance,  the 
qualities  of  true  statesmanship  ;  when  tho  cause  of  pop 
ular  liberty  and  free  government  was  to  find  in  him  the 
same  dauntless  defender  that  the  cause  of  the  Union 
had  found. 

Until  the  10th  of  August,  1866,  General  Hancock 
remained  in  command  of  the  Middle  Department. 
Then  he  was  transferred  to  the  Department  of  the 
Missouri,  taking  command  there,  August  20.  Here  he 
displayed  executive  qualities  involving  nice  tact  and 
discrimination  in  settling  complications  arising  between 
the  returned  Confederates  and  tho  State  troops.  Here, 
also,  in  March,  1867,  he  commanded  an  expedition 
against  hostile  Indians  in  Kansas  and  Colorado.  Dur 
ing  the  same  period  he  also  served  on  several  import 
ant  army  boards.  He  was  then  appointed  by  President 
Johnson  to  succeed  General  Sheridan  in  command  of 
the  Fifth  Military  District. 

Before   giving  the   history   of    General    Hancock's 


232  LIFE   AND   PUBLIC   SERVICES   OF 

administration  in  this  department,  it  is  necessary  to 
review  the  condition  of  affairs  in  the  South  and  at 
Washington  at  that  time. 

The  great  question  which  then  confronted  the  victo 
rious  North  was  that  of  the  reconstruction  of  the' 
Union.  The  Southern  armies  had  surrendered  and  the 
Southern  States  were  still  unreconstructed  territories 
under  military  government.  It  was  apparent  to  all 
who  had  in  view  the  welfare  of  the  country,  that  the 
sooner  these  revolted  States  could  resume  their  former 
loyal  relations  to  the  general  government,  the  sooner 
would  the  ravages  of  war  be  obliterated,  and  prosperity 
to  the  whole  country  return.  Various  conflicting  inter 
ests,  mainly  political,  but  some  of  them  arising  in  the 
minds  of  disinterested  men,  through  fear  of  the  conse 
quences  of  too  sudden  restoration  of  the  Southern 
States  to  participation  in  the  Federal  power,  con 
tributed  to  delay  and  tended  to  a  lengthened  probation. 

Under  these  conflicting  influences,  reconstruction 
progressed  slowly.  By  the  summer  of  1865,  however, 
all  the  lately  insurgent  States  had  governments  of 
some  sort  that  were  recognized  at  Washington,  and  the 
impression  prevailed  that,  under  the  policy  of  Presi 
dent  Johnson,  they  would  soon  resume  their  proper 
places  as  loyal  members  of  the  Union.  Before  the 
meeting  of  the  Thirty-ninth  Congress,  each  of  the 
States  in  which  provisional  governments  had  been 
established  had  elected  and  inaugurated  a  permanent 
government  displacing  the  provisional  appointments. 
In  all  cases  the  ordinance  of  secession  was  annulled  or 
repealed  by  the  State  convention,  slavery  was  forever 


WINFIELD   SCOTT   HANCOCK.  233 

prohibited,  the  Confederate  debt  was  repudiated,  and 
the  constitutional  amendment  adopted.  Further  than 
this,  the  laws  of  the  old  code  restricting  the  civil  rights 
of  the  negroes  were  repealed. 

It  would  certainly  seem  that  States  which  had  par 
ticipated,  as  States,  in  such  a  high  office  as  the  amend 
ment  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  needed 
no  further  recognition  of  their  existence  on  an  equality 
as  to  powers  with  the  rest ;  but  such  was  not  the  view 
taken  by  those  who  controlled  the  legislation  of  Con 
gress.  Bitter  antagonism  was  immediately  aroused 
against  President  Johnson  because  of  his  efforts  to 
bring  back  the  rebellious  States  without  subjecting 
them  to  the  dangerous  and  destructive  operation  of  a 
government  through  Congressional  enactment.  In 
December,  1865,  the  President  had,  in  answer  to  a 
resolution  of  the  Senate  calling  for  information  regard 
ing  the  condition  of  the  Southern  States,  replied  that 
the  rebellion  had  been  suppressed,  the  United  States 
courts  restored,  post-offices  established,  and  steps  taken 
to  put  in  operation  the  revenue  laws.  The  late  Con 
federate  States,  he  said,  had  reorganized  their  govern 
ments  and  were  yielding  obedience  to  the  laws  and 
government  of  the  United  States  with  more  willingness 
and  greater  promptitude  than  under  the  circumstances 
could  reasonably  have  been  anticipated  ;  and  in  nearly 
all  the  States  measures  had  either  been  adopted  or  were 
then  pending,  to  confer  upon  freedmen  the  rights  and 
privileges  essential  to  their  comfort,  protection,  and 
security.  "The  people,"  he  said,  "throughout  the 
entire  South,  evinced  a  laudable  desire  to  renew  their 


234  LIFE   AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

allegiance  to  the  government,  and  to  repair  the  devas 
tations  of  war  by  a  prompt  and  cheerful  return  to 
peaceful  pursuits.  An  abiding  faith  is  entertained  that 
their  actions  will  conform  to  their  professions,  and  that, 
in  acknowledging  the  supremacy  of  the  Constitution 
and  laws  of  the  United  States,  their  loyalty  will  be 
unreservedly  given  to  the  government  whose  leniency 
they  cannot  fail  to  appreciate,  and  whose  fostering  care 
will  soon  restore  them  to  a  condition  of  prosperity. 
From  all  the  information  in  my  possession,  I  am 
induced  to  cherish  the  belief  that  sectional  animosity 
is  surely  and  rapidly  merging  into  a  spirit  of  nation 
ality,  and  that  representation,  connected  with  a  prop 
erly  adjusted  system  of  taxation,  will  result  in  a 
harmonious  restoration  of  the  States  to  the  National 
Union."  The  observations  on  which  President  John 
son  based  this  message  to  Congress  were  made  by 
General  Grant  and  General  Schurz  who  had  been  sent 
on  a  tour  through  the  South  for  this  especial  purpose. 

But  Congress  had  a  "  Select  Committee  on  Recon 
struction,"  whose  members  quarrelled  among  them 
selves,  and  naturally  quarrelled  with  the  President.  As 
it  had  been  no  purpose  of  the  politicians  who  really 
ruled  the  war  department  during  the  four  years  previous, 
to  bring  the  war  to  a  speedy  close,  now  it  formed  no 
part  of  the  desire  of  these  men  to  see  the  wounds  of 
the  war  closed  up  by  a  prompt  reconstruction  of  the 
lately  rebellious  States. 

The  first  obstruction  placed  in  the  way  of  reconstruc 
tion  was  unnecessary  delay  in  the  report  of  this  select 
committee.  What  ought  to  have  occupied  them  no 


WINFIELD   SCOTT   HANCOCK.  235 

more  than  a  fortnight  was  made  to  consume  six  months  ; 
and  when  the  plan  of  reconstruction  was  at  last  sub 
mitted,  Jan.  22,  1866,  it  was  only  for  the  purpose  of 
quarrelling  still  further  over  it.  Meantime  the  Southern 
States  were  kept  out  of  representation  in  Congress, 
although  they  had  loyal  men  to  send  there,  and  one 
measure  of  aggravation  was  passed  after  another.  The 
Freedmen's  Bureau  had  its  scope  and  powers  enlarged 
by  Congress,  until  it  became  a  monstrous  political 
machine  ;  and  then  began  the  long  contest  between  the 
Executive  and  Congress  which  ended  in  the  attempt 
at  impeachment.  President  Johnson  very  powerfully 
pictured  the  situation  in  his  speech  at  Washington  on  the 
22d  of  February,  1866.  "An  attempt,"  he  said,  "is  being 
made  to  concentrate  all  power  in  the  hands  of  a  few  at  the 
Federal  head,  and  thereby  bring  about  a  consolidation  of 
the  Republic,  which  is  equally  objectionable  with  its 
dissolution.  We  find  a  power  assumed  and  attempted 
to  be  exercised  of  a  most  extraordinary  character.  We 
see  now  that  governments  can  be  revolutionized  with 
out  going  into  the  battle-field,  and  sometimes  the  revo 
lutions  most  distressing  to  a  people  are  effected  without 
the  shedding  of  blood ;  that  is,  the  substance  of  your 
government  may  be  taken  away,  while  there  is  held  out 
to  you  the  form  and  the  shadow.  We  find  that  by  an 
irresponsible  central  directory  nearly  all  the  powers  of 
Congress  are  assumed,  without  even  consulting  the 
legislative  and  executive  departments  of  the  government. 
.  You  have  been  struggling  for  four  years  to 
put  down  a  rebellion.  You  contended  at  the  beginning 
of  that  struggle  that  a  State  had  not  a  right  to  go  out. 


236  LITE   AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

You  said  it  had  neither  the  right  nor  the  power ;  and  it 
has  been  settled  that  the  States  had  neither  the  right 
nor  the  power  to  go  out  of  the  Union.  And  when  you 
determine  by  the  executive,  by  the  military,  and  by 
the  public  judgment  that  those  States  cannot  have  any 
right  to  go  out,  this  committee  turns  around  and  as 
sumes  that  they  are  out,  and  that  they  shall  not 
come  in." 

The  conflict  between  the  President,  supported  by  the 
best  and  wisest  and  most  patriotic  minds  in  the  coun 
try,  and  a  bitter,  selfish,  and  cruel  partisan  majority  in 
Congress,  continued  to  gain  in  intensity  ;  and  after  the 
fall  elections  in  1866  showed  a  majority  for  the  op 
ponents  of  reconstruction  a  new  departure  was  taken. 
The  famous  Military  Bill  was  passed.  This  bill  declared 
that  no  legal  State  governments  existed  in  the  lately 
rebellious  States,  and  that  in  these  States  there  was  no 
adequate  protection  for  life  or  property.  These  States 
were  therefore  distributed  into  military  districts,  and 
placed  under  military  government.  The  first  district 
comprised  Virginia ;  the  second,  North  and  South 
Carolina ;  the  third,  Georgia,  Alabama,  and  Florida ; 
the  fourth,  Mississippi  and  Arkansas  ;  the  fifth,  Louisi 
ana  and  Texas.  The  President  was  to  appoint  a  com 
mander  for  each  district,  and  to  detail  a  sufficient 
military  force  in  his  support.  The  duties  of  the  com 
manders  were,  "to  protect  all  persons  in  their  rights  of 
person  and  property,  to  suppress  insurrection,  disorder, 
and  violence,  and  to  punish  or  cause  to  be  punished  all 
disturbers  of  the  public  peace  and  criminals."  To  this 
end  they  were  authorized  to  either  allow  local  civil  tri- 


WINFIELD   SCOTT   HANCOCK.  237 

bunals  to  take  jurisdiction  of  and  try  offenders,  or,  at 
their  discretion,  to  organize  military  commissions  for 
the  trial  of  offenders,  and  this  exercise  of  military 
authority  should  exclude  interference  on  the  part  of  the 
State  government.  The  district  commander  was  made 
an  absolute  despot,  the  only  restraint  put  upon  him 
being  the  requirement  of  the  President's  approval  of  any 
death  sentence  he  might  impose,  before  the  execution 
could  take  place. 

It  will  thus  be  seen  that  it  was  within  the  power  of 
the  military  commander  to  treat  the  inhabitants  of  a 
Southern  State  according  to  the  requirements  of  a 
military  code,  and  very  many  well-meaning  people 
believed  that  such  a  government  should  be  exercised  in 
the  States  lately  in  rebellion,  during  the  lives  of  the 
present  generation,  or  until  the  men  lately  in  arms 
against  the  Union  had,  by  a  long  probation,  brought 
forth  fruits  meet  for  repentance.  On  the  other  hand, 
it  was  within  the  power  of  the  military  commander  to 
give  full  effect  to  the  local  laws  and  civil  regulations, 
only  using  his  military  power  where  the  reign  of  law 
and  order  had  not  re-established  itself,  or  where  the 
men,  recently  the  owners  of  other  of  their  now  freed 
fellow-men,  were  disposed  to  exercise  over  the  latter  a 
power  which  no  longer  belonged  to  them. 

President  Johnson,  of  course,  vetoed  this  bill,  as  he 
did  all  the  partisan  and  obstructive  legislation  of  Con 
gress  ;  but  it  was  passed  over  his  veto.  In  his  veto 
message  he  described  the  power  given  the  military 
commander  by  this  bill  as  "  that  of  an  absolute  mon 
arch,  his  mere  will  taking  the  place  of  all  law ;  it 


238  LIFE    AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

places  at  his  free  disposal  all  the  lands  and  goods  in 
his  district,  and  he  may  distribute  them  to  whom  he 
pleases ;  he  may  make  a  criminal  code  of  his  own,  and 
he  may  make  it  as  bloody  as  any  recorded  in  history, 
or  he  may  reserve  the  privilege  of  acting  upon  the  im 
pulse  of  his  private  humors  in  each  case  that  occurs. 
It  is  plain  that  the  authority  here  given  to  the  military 
officer  amounts  to  absolute  despotism.  But,  to  make 
it  still  more  unendurable,  the  bill  provides  that  it  may 
be  delegated  to  as  many  subordinates  as  he  chooses  to 
appoint ;  for  it  declares  that  he  shall  '  punish  or  cause 
to  be  punished.'  Such  a  power  has  not  been  wielded 
in  England  for  more  than  five  hundred  years.  It 
reduces  the  whole  population  of  the  ten  States  —  all 
persons,  of  every  color,  sex,  and  condition,  and  every 
stranger  within  their  limits  —  to  the  most  abject  and 
degrading  slavery.  No  master  ever  had  a  control  over 
his  slaves  so  absolute  as  this  bill  gives  to  the  military 
officers  over  both  white  and  colored  persons." 

But  when  the  bill  was  passed  in  spite  of  these  objec 
tions,  the  President  had  no  choice  but  to  carry  out  its 
provisions.  He  therefore  appointed  Generals  Schofield, 
Sickles,  Pope,  Ord,  and  Sheridan  to  be  commanders  of 
the  five  districts  in  the  order  named.  An  attempt  was 
made  to  render  the  powers  conferred  by  this  bill  less 
despotic,  through  an  opinion  of  the  Attorney-General 
construing  the  act ;  but  Congress  at  once  passed  an 
"  explanatory  act "  insisting  upon  the  most  radical  con 
struction  of  the  law.  Then  the  conflict  became  more 
bitter,  and  the  President  dismissed  Secretary  Stanton 
from  his  cabinet  because  of  his  hostility  to  the  Execu- 


WINFIELD   SCOTT   HANCOCK.  239 

live  policy,  succeeding  in  forcing  him  out  after  an 
obstinate  and  indecent  struggle  on  the  Secretary's  part. 
Then  two  of  the  district  commanders,  who  had  been 
most  zealous  in  the  use  of  the  despotic  power  conferred 
upon  them  by  Congress,  were  also  removed.  These 
were  General  Sickles,  commanding  the  Second  District, 
comprising  North  and  South  Carolina ;  and  General 
Sheridan,  the  ruler  of  the  Fifth  District,  comprising 
Louisiana  and  Texas. 

General  Sheridan  lacked  the  calm  judicial  tempera 
ment  necessary  in  one  holding  such  a  place.  He  had 
not  the  self-poise  required  to  maintain  a  clear  and  level 
head  there.  Moreover,  he  was  very  much  of  a  parti 
san  in  politics,  and  his  fiery  nature  showed  itself  there 
as  in  the  battle-field.  It  was  a  very  poor  choice  that 
President  Johnson  made  when  he  put  Sheridan  in  com 
mand  of  the  Fifth  District,  and  the  event  proved  the 
mistake.  Sheridan  lost  his  temper  and  his  head,  ruled 
the  district  like  an  autocrat,  rode  rough-shod  over  all 
civil  law,  and  before  he  had  been  in  power  a  fortnight, 
had  gone  far  to  reduce  his  district  to  the  condition  of 
a  satrapy. 

General  Thomas  was  first  chosen  by  the  President  to 
take  the  place  of  General  Sheridan,  but  on  his  declina 
tion  General  Hancock  was  appointed. 


240  LITE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 


CHAPTER    IV. 

Hancock  takes  Command  of  the  Fifth  Military  District. —  His  Recep 
tion  at  Washington. —  Speech  at  a  Serenade. —  The  vast  Powers 
placed  in  his  Hands. —  Absolute  Ruler  of  two  great  States. —  His 
Opening  Proclamation. —  The  Famous  "Order  No.  40." — Judge 
Black's  Letter. —  The  Principles  of  American  Liberty  find  their 
Advocate. 

IT  was  under  such  peculiarly  delicate  and  exciting 
conditions  of  public  sentiment  and  of  the  governmental 
departments,  that  General  Hancock  was  summoned  to 
the  service  of  his  country  in  a  capacity  where  the  calm 
est  judgment,  the  wisest  patriotism,  and  the  most  prac 
tical  experience  of  men  and  of  affairs  was  needed.  He 
proved  equal  to  the  task  of  carrying  the  burden  of 
responsibility  laid  upon  him. 

General  Hancock  was  summoned  to  Washington  by 
order  of  the  President  assigning  him  to  the  command 
of  the  Fifth  Military  District,  Aug.  28,  18G7.  The 
removal  of  Sheridan  was  strongly  opposed  by  General 
Grant,  who  at  that  time  had  been  taken  in  hand  by  the 
Radical  Republicans  and  put  in  training  for  the  Presi 
dency  as  the  candidate  of  the  party  which  believed  in 
the  ascendancy  of  military  over  civil  authority.  But 
the  high-handed  proceedings  of  the  military  commander 
in  the  Fifth  District,  absolutely  overriding  and  crushing 
out  all  civil  authority,  had  created  alarm  among  think 
ing  people  who  believed  that  the  war  had  been  fought 
to  save  the  Union  and  not  to  set  up  a  military  despot- 


W1NFIELD    SCOTT   HANCOCK.  241 

isin ;  and  they  hastened  to  do  honor  to  Hancock,  in 
whose  stanch  principles  and  strict  integrity  they  had 
the  same  confidence  they  had  in  his  valor. 

They  complimented  him  with  a  serenade  on  the  24th 
of  September,  prior  to  his  departure  for  the  South,  at 
which  he  made  one  of  those  clear,  straightforward,  and 
manly  speeches  for  which  he  is  noted.  Among  other 
things  he  said  :  — 

O 

"I  thank  you  for  this  testimony  of  your  appreciation  of 
my  past  services,  and  confidence  in  my  ability  to  perform  my 
duty  in  a  new  and  different  sphere.  Educated  as  a  soldier 
in  the  military  school  of  our  country,  and  on  the  fields  of  the 
Mexican  war  and  American  rebellion,  I  need  not  assure  you 
that  my  course  as  a  District  Commander  will  be  characterized 
by  the  same  strict  soldierly  obedience  to  the  law  there  taught 
me  as  a  soldier.  I  know  no  other  guide  or  higher  duty.  Mis 
representation  and  misconstruction  arising  from  the  passions 
of  the  hour,  and  spread  by  those  who  do  not  know  that  devo 
tion  to  duty  has  governed  my  actions  in  every  trying  hour, 
may  meet  me.  But  I  fear  them  not.  I  ask  then,  citizens, 
that  I  may  not  be.  judged  in  advance,  alid  that  time  may  be 
permitted  to  develop  my  actions.  As  a  soldier  I  am  to  ad 
minister  the  laws  rather  than  discuss  them.  If  I  can  admin 
ister  them  in  spirit  with  due  charity  to  the  governed  and  to 
the  satisfaction  of  my  country,  I  shall  indeed  be  happy  in 
the  consciousness  of  a  duty  performed." 

On  the  same  occasion,  Hon.  Robert  J.  Walker  ad 
dressed  the  assemblage,  referring  in  his  remarks  to  the 
known  character  of  General  Hancock  and  what  might 
be  expected  of  him.  He  said  :  — 

"  And  now,  fellow-citizens,  General  Hancock  is  entering 
upon  a  new  career ;  and  although  his  new  trust  is  military, 


242  LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

still  in  point  of  name  it  has  its  civil  duties,  and  imposes  a 
task  of  the  utmost  difficulty  in  its  proper  fulfilment.  He  has 
truly  said  his  duty  is  to  carry  out  the  laws  of  his  country, 
and  he  has  said  wisely ;  because  a  soldier  of  the  Republic 
most  truly  defends  a  country  when  he  defends  the  laws  of 
that  country  ;  and,  fellow-citizens,  he  will  not  be  a  judge  as 
to  whether  the  law  is  wise  and  expedient,  or  as  to  whether  it 
be  otherwise.  His  duty  is  purely  a  ministerial  duty  —  to 
carry  out  the  laws  as  they  are  written. 

"The  judicial  power,  according  to  the  Constitution,  is 
vested  exclusively  in  the  courts  of  the  country.  They  alone 
can  pass  final  adjudication  upon  the  law  and  say  whether  it 
is  constitutional  or  not ;  but  when  a  law  is  passed  according 
to  the  forms  prescribed  in  the  Constitution,  unless  it  be 
arrested  by  the  decision  of  the  judicial  authorities,  the  execu 
tive  officer  must  and  is  sworn  to  execute  it  as  one  of  the  laws 
of  the  county.  But,  fellow-citizens,  while  I  am  sure  that 
General  Hancock  will  execute  the  laws  in  a  true  spirit,  and 
according  to  the  meaning  that  must  be  placed  upon  them,  I 
am  also  sure  that  he  will  do  it  in  a  spirit  of  charity  and 
kindness." 

With  such  pledges  of  devotion  to  the  Constitution 
and  the  laws  —  welcome  words  in  the  ears  of  a  public 
which  had  become  too  freely  accustomed  to  have  both 
derided  as  impotent  in  tbe  presence  of  the  military 
arm  —  General  Hancock  set  out  to  assume  command 
on  the  29th  of  November. 

In  the  Fifth  Military  Department  there  had  been 
some  few  disturbances,  caused  by  the  natural  opposi 
tion  to  the  violent  military  rule  of  General  Sheridan  ; 
and  these,  highly  exaggerated  in  the  reports  of  the 
partisan  press,  which  was  even  then  under  a  sort  of 


tVTNTIELD   SCOTT   HAKCOCK.  243 

surveillance,  had  greatly  excited  the  Northern  people. 
General  Hancock's  predecessor  had  not  hesitated  to 
make  the  military  arm  felt  superior  to  the  civil  law, 
and  to  construe  the  power  given  him  by  the  Act  of 
Reconstruction  as  absolute  and  irresponsible. 

It  is  safe  to  say  that  almost  any  civil  governor,  not 
to  say  military  man,  finding  himself  clothed  with  such 
authority  and  backed  up  with  ample  forces,  would  have 
treated  the  unreconstructed  and  unrepentant  rebels 
with  the  rigor  which  was  expected  of  him  by  the  party 
majority  in  Congress. 

That  such  was  not  the  course  of  General  Hancock  is 
the  crowning  credit  of  his  life.  It  is  no  secret  that  he 
did  not  relish,  much  less  covet,  this  command.  His 
reputation  as  a  soldier  and  a  patriot  was  unsurpassed. 
He  had  the  gratitude  of  all  classes  of  Union  men  for 
his  great  services  in  the  field,  and  it  was  believed  that 
the  Southern  people  would  respect  and  obey  his  orders 
as  they  would  those  given  by  few  others  of  the  men 
who  had  subdued  them.  At  the  same  time  it  was 
expected  that  so  stern  and  unyielding  a  disciplinarian 
as  Hancock,  who  always  saw  his  orders  carried  out:  at 
the  greatest  personal  exposure  of  himself,  would  brook 
no  disorder,  but  would  rule  Louisiana  and  Texas  with 
a  stern  and  steady  hand. 

General  Hancock  obeyed  his  orders,  and  assumed 
command  of  the  Fifth  Military  District.  His  first 
official  act  was  to  inform  the  people  of  Louisiana  and 
Texas  that  he  had  come  to  be  their  Governor  under  tho 
Reconstruction  Act,  and  to  let  them  know  how  he  pro 
posed  to  rule  over  them.  JHe  issued  his  celebrated 


244  LITE   AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

"General    Orders   No.    40,"    dated   the    29th    day   of 
November,  1867. 

Probably  no  more  astonished  and  delighted  people 
could  be  found  than  the  people  of  Louisiana  and  Texas 
when  the  purport  of  that  order  came  to  be  understood. 
They  expected  to  have,  what  they  had  had  before,  a 
military  dictator.  They  expected  to  be  governed  by 
"orders"  instead  of  laws,  and  to  live  under  a  military 
despotism,  instead  of  governing  themselves  by  their 
own  civil  regulations. 

General  Hancock  informed  them  that  he  took  com 
mand  in  accordance  with  the  orders  he  had  received 
from  the  Headquarters  of  the  Army,  but  that  he  did 
not  propose  to  rule  them  by  military  orders  at  all.  He 
congratulated  the  people  of  the  South- West  that  peace 
and  quiet  reigned  among  them.  To  best  preserve  that 
state  of  things  he  proposed  to  let  the  civil  authorities 
execute  the  civil  laws.  War  he  regarded  as  only  nec 
essary  to  destroy  opposition  to  lawful  authority  ;  but 
when  peace  was  established  and  when  the  civil  authori 
ties  were  ready  and  willing  to  perform  their  duties,  the 
military  power  should  cease  to  lead  and  the  civil  ad 
ministration  should  resume  its  natural  and  rightful  con 
ditions.  He  declared  himself  solemnly  impressed  with 
the  belief  that  the  great  principles  of  American  liberty 
were  the  lawful  inheritance  of  the  whole  people,  and 
should  forever  continue  to  be.  He  declared  that  the 
right  of  trial  by  jury,  habeas  corpus,  liberty  of  the 
press,  freedom  of  speech,  the  natural  rights  of  person 
and  of  property,  should  be  preserved.  He  believed 
that  free  institutions,  being  essential  to  the  prosperity 


WIKFIELD    SCOTT    HANCOCK.  245 

and  happiness  of  the  people,  were  themselves  the 
strongest  inducements  to  peace  and  order.  He  de 
clared  that  the  civil  authorities  and  tribunals  should 
have  the  consideration  of  and  jurisdiction  over  crimes 
and  offences,  and  should  be  supported  in  the  exercise 
of  that  jurisdiction.  But  while  thus  recognizing  the 
rights  of  the  people,  he  announced,  with  soldier-like 
directness  and  brevity,  that  he  should  suppress  armed 
insurrection  and  forcible  resistance  to  law  by  force  of 
arms  at  once. 

The  Order  No.  40,  issued  at  such  a  time  and  under 
such  circumstances,  is  so  admirably  illustrative  of  Gen 
eral  Hancock's  turn  of  mind,  so  sincere,  and  withal  so 
judicious,  that  we  present  it  here  in  full : — 

GENERAL  ORDERS  No.  40. 

HEADQUARTERS  FIFTH  MILITARY  DISTRICT,  > 
NEW  ORLEANS,  LA.,  Nov.  29,  1867.         \ 

1.  In  accordance  with  General  Orders  No.  81,  Headquar 
ters   of  the  Army,   Adjutant-General's  Office,   AVashington, 
D.  C.,  Aug.  27,  1867,  Major-General  AY".  S.  Hancock  hereby 
assumes  command  of  the  Fifth  Military  District  and  of  the 
Department  composed  of  the  States  of  Louisiana  and  Texas. 

2.  The   General   Commanding   is  gratified  to   learn  that 
peace  and  quiet  reign  in  this  department.     It  will  be  his  pur 
pose  to  preserve  this  condition  of  things.     As  a  means  to 
this  great  end  he  regards  the  maintenance  of  the  civil  author 
ities  in  the  faithful  execution  of  the  laws  as  the  most  efficient 
under  existing  circumstances. 

In  war  it  is  indispensable  to  repel  force  by  force,  and  over 
throw  and  destroy  opposition  to  lawful  authority.  But  when 
insurrectionary  force  has  been  overthrown  arid  peace  estab-. 
lished,  and  the  civil  authorities  are  ready  and  willing  to  per* 


246  LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

form  their  duties,  the  military  power  should  cease  to  lead, 
and  the  civil  administration  resume  its  natural  and  rightful 
dominion.  Solemnly  impressed  with  these  views,  the  Gen 
eral  announces  that  the  great  principles  of  American  liberty 
are  still  the  lawful  inheritance  of  this  people,  and  ever  should 
be.  The  right  of  trial  by  jury,  the  habeas  corpus,  the  liberty 
of  the  press,  the  freedom  of  speech,  the  natural  rights  of 
persons  and  the  rights  of  property  must  be  preserved. 

Free  institutions,  while  they  are  essential  to  the  prosperity 
and  happiness  of  the  people,  alwa}rs  furnish  the  strongest 
inducements  to  peace  and  order.  Crimes  and  offences  com 
mitted  in  this  district  must  be  referred  to  the  consideration 
and  judgment  of  the  regular  civil  tribunals,  and  those  tri 
bunals  will  be  supported  in  their  lawful  jurisdiction. 

Should  there  be  violations  of  existing  laws  which  are  not 
inquired  into  by  the  civil  magistrates,  or  should  failures  in  the 
administration  of  justice  by  the  courts  be  complained  of,  the 
cases  will  be  reported  to  these  headquarters,  when  such  orders 
will  be  made  as  may  be  deemed  necessar}'. 

While  the  General  thus  indicates  his  purpose  to  respect 
the  liberties  of  the  people,  he  wishes  all  to  understand  that 
armed  insurrection,  or  forcible  resistance  to  law,  will  be 
instantly  suppressed  by  arms. 

By  command  of  MAJ.-GEN.  W.   S.  HANCOCK. 
[Official.] 

This  order,  so  novel  in  the  history  of  the  series  of 
military  usurpations  known  as  reconstruction,  was 
flashed  all  over  the  land  that  night,  and  every  news 
paper  printed  it  the  next  morning.  It  was  received 
with  delight  by  all  who  truly  believed  in  the  supremacy 
of  the  ideas  on  which  our  Republic  is  founded.  It  was 
hailed  as  the  presage  of  a  return  from  the  anarchy  of 


WINFIELD    SCOTT   HANCOCK.  247 

war  to  the  safe  rule  of  peaceful  law.  The  policy  of 
conciliation  and  restoration,  which  the  lamented  Presi 
dent  Lincoln  inaugurated,  had  received  a  serious  check 
when  he  fell  by  the  hand  of  the  assassin.  Andrew 
Johnson  had  honestly  attempted  to  carry  out  the  ben 
eficent  scheme  which  his  predecessor  originated,  but  had 
failed  through  lack  of  those  qualities  of  intellect  and  of 
heart  which  enabled  Lincoln  to  restrain  party  antago 
nism  within  limits,  and  to  carry  his  point,  and  still 
retain  the  support  of  Congress  and  the  confidence  of 
the  people.  It  was  a  dark  day  for  constitutional  gov 
ernment  ;  and  when,  from  among  the  military  com 
manders  who  had  been  endowed  with  arbitrary  power, 
there  appeared  one  who  refused  to  exercise  this  power 
otherwise  than  in  the  support  of  and  subordinate  to  civil 
law,  the  announcement  came  as  a  beam  of  sunlight 
through  the  dark  clouds  that  overhung  the  land. 

Judge  Black,  one  of  the  ablest  constitutional  lawyers 
our  country  has  produced,  sat  down  and  wrote  as  follows 
to  General  Hancock,  when  he  read  that  now  famous 
"Order  No.  40  "  in  the  morning  papers  : — 

WASHINGTON,  Nov.  30,  1867. 

MY  DEAR  GENERAL  : — This  moment  I  read  your  admirable 
order.  I  am  much  engaged,  but  I  cannot  resist  the  tempta 
tion  to  steal  time  enough  from  my  clients  to  tell  you  how 
grateful  you  have  made  me  by  your  patriotic  and  noble  be 
havior. 

Yours  is  the  first,  most  distinct,  and  most  emphatic  recog 
nition  which  the  principles  of  American  liberty  have  received 
at  the  hands  of  any  high  officer  in  a  Southern  command.  It 
has  the  very  ring  of  the  Revolutionary  metal.  Washington 


248  LIFE    AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

never  said  a  thing  in  better  taste  or  better  time.  It  will 
prove  to  all  men  that  "Peace  has  her  victories  not  less 
renowned  than  those  of  war." 

I  congratulate  you, — not  because  it  will  make  you  the  most 
popular  man  in  America,  for  I  dare  say  you  care  nothing 
about  that, — but  because  it  will  give  you,  through  all  time,  the 
solid  reputation  of  a  true  patriot  and  a  sincere  lover  of  your 
country,  its  law  and  its  government.  This,  added  to  your 
brilliant  achievements  as  a  soldier,  will  leave  you  without  a 
rival  in  the  affections  of  all  whose  good-wih1  is  worth  having, 
and  gives  you  a  place  in  history  which  your  children  will  be 
proud  of. 

This  acknowledgment  from  me  does  not  amount  to  much  ; 
but  I  am  expressing  only  the  feelings  of  millions,  and 
expressing  them  feebly  at  that. 

With  profound  respect, 

Yours,  etc., 

J.  S.  BLACK. 

MAJOR-GENERAL  HANCOCK. 

It  was  under  such  auspices  that  General  Hancock 
began  his  administration  in  Louisiana  and  Texas.  His 
first  word  was  to  proclaim  the  rule  of  law. 


WESTTIELD    SCOTT    HANCOCK.  249 


CHAPTER  V. 

Reception  of  "General  Order  No.  40." — Civil  Government  Resumes 
its  Sway. —  Hancock's  Orders  Develop  the  Capacity  of  the  People 
for  Local  Self-Government. —  The  Laws  to  be  Sustained  by  the 
Military  Arm. —  The  Qualifications  of  Jurors. —  Disposition  of 
Property  by  the  Courts. —  Sale  of  a  School  Section. —  Registration 
of  Voters.—  Effect  of  General  Hancock's  Orders. 

IT  was  on  the  basis  of  the  principles  enunciated  in 
his  "  General  Order  No.  40,"  that  General  Hancock 
began  and  continued  his  administration  in  the  Fifth 
Military  District.  These  principles  are  immortal ;  they 
lie  at  the  very  foundation  of  our  system  of  free  gov 
ernment  ;  -and  it  was  with  delighted  wonder,  that  the 
people  of  Louisiana  and  Texas  heard  from  the  lips  of 
one  in  whom  they  had  expected  to  find  a  military 
satrap,  these  patriotic  and  statesmanlike  sentiments : 
"The  right  of  trial  by  jury,  the  habeas  corpus,  the 
liberty  of  the  press,  the  freedom  of  speech,  the  natural 
rights  of  persons  and  the  rights  of  property  should  be 
preserved." 

They  looked  for  a  Caesar,  and  they  found  in  his  stead 
the  expounder  and  defender  of  the  Constitutional  laws 
of  the  fathers,  and  the  exponent  of  the  rights  of  the 
free  men  who  speak  the  English  tongue. 

The  effect  on  men  so  recently  disbanded  from  armed 
rebellion,  and  now  morose,  soured,  disappointed,  and 
disposed  to  place  obstacles  in  the  way  of  any  resump 
tion  of  the  old  Federal  relations,  was  electric.  Louisx- 


250  LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

ana  and  Texas,  for  the  time-being,  moved  forward  on 
the  road  to  reconstruction  with  brisk  eagerness,  out 
stripping  their  sisters ;  and  had  General  Hancock 
remained  in  command,  the  disorders  which  followed, 
the  misrule  and  contention,  culminating  in  actual 
anarchy,  and  rendering  Louisiana  at  last  a  fit  instru 
ment  for  the  perpetration  of  a  great  crime,  would  not 
have  taken  place. 

With  admirable  tact,  and  a  keen  sense  of  justice  to 
the  laws  of  the  country,  as  well  as  to  the  people  of 
Louisiana  and  Texas,  he  reconciled  the  differences  that 
had  previously  prevailed,  and  which  had  had  their 
origin  in  the  abominable  carpet-bag  governments  that, 
since  the  close  of  the  war,  had  blighted  those  States. 
Instead  of  an  oppressor,  the  Louisianians  and  Texans 
found  in  him  a  governor  inspired  by  motives  of  the 
purest  patriotism  and  of  the  highest  justice. 

The  general  order  with  which  he  opened  his  admin 
istration  was  a  revelation  to  an  oppressed,  robbed,  and 
humiliated  people.  There  was  everything  in  this  order 
to  produce  a  profound  sense  of  gratitude  in  the  hearts 
of  those  to  whom  it  was  addressed.  Following  it, 

o 

came  for  awhile  the  blessings  of  peace  and  prosperity, 
and  but  for  the  fact  that  the  administration  at  Wash 
ington  removed  General  Hancock  from  his  sphere  of 
justice  and  beneficent  government,  the  period  of  mis 
rule  in  Louisiana  and  Texas  would  have  come  to  an 
end  ten  years  ago. 

General  Hancock  maintained  the  purity  and  inde 
pendence  of  the  elections,  refused  to  organize  military 
^mmissions  to  take  the  place  of  judicial  trials,  and 


WINFIELD    SCOTT   HANCOCK.  251 

would  permit  no  military  interference  with  civil  admin 
istration.  The  mayor  of  New  Orleans  formally 
requested  his  interference  by  military  order  in  certain 
proceedings  against  the  corporation.  General  Han 
cock  declined,  on  the  ground  that  his  interference  would 
be  unconstitutional,  and  could  only  be  exercised  in  an 
emergency  which  did  not,  in  his  opinion,  then  exist. 

He  was  requested  by  the  general  commanding  the 
District  of  Texas,  to  order  a  military  commission  for 
the  trial  of  a  certain  offender.  He  declined,  stating  as 
his  reasons,  that,  while  the  act  passed  by  Congress  "for 
the  more  efficient  government  of  the  rebel  States" 
made  it  the  duty  of  commanders  of  military  districts 
to  punish  disturbers  of  the  public  peace  and  criminals, 
that  power,  from  the  nature  of  things,  should  only  be 
exercised  when  the  local  civil  tribunals  were  unable  or 
unwilling  to  enforce  the  laws,  a  supposition  which  did 
not  exist,  a  State  government  in  subordination  to  the 
United  States  being  then  in  the  full  exercise  of  its 
powers  in  Texas. 

General  HancocVs  predecessor  had  summarily,  by 
military  order,  removed  the  clerk  of  a  court,  and  had 
appointed  another  in  his  place.  General  Hancock 
revoked  this  order,  on  the  ground  that  if  there  were 
any  charges  against  the  clerk  so  removed,  the  courts 
were  competent  to  take  action  in  the  premises. 

His  predecessor  had  rendered  the  administration  of 
justice  inefficient,  by  instituting  certain  qualifications 
for  persons  to  be  eligible  to  do  jury  duty,  such  qualifi 
cation  being  made  by  military  order.  General  Hancock 
revoked  the  order,  announcing  that  he  would  not  per- 


252  LIFE   AND   PUBLIC  SERVICES   OF 

mit  the  civil  authorities  to  be  embarrassed  by  military 
interference. 

In  December  he  issued  an  order  prohibiting  military 
interference  with  the  elections,  unless  when  necessary 
to  keep  the  peace  at  the  polls,  as  being  contrary  to  law  ; 
and  lie  ordered  that  no  soldiers  be  allowed  to  appear  at 
any  polling  place,  unless  as  citizens  of  the  State,  regis 
tered  voters,  and  for  the  purpose  of  voting ;  but  he 
ordered,  further,  that  the  commanders  of  posts  act 
promptly  in  preserving  the  peace  in  case  the  civil 
authorities  failed  to  do  so. 

Men,  interested  in  civil  controversies,  in  great  num 
bers  applied  at  the  General's  headquarters  for  interfer 
ence,  assuming  on  his  part  both  the  arbitrary  powei 
to  interfere  and  the  willingness  to  do  so.  General 
Hancock,  by  general  order,  again  announced  that  the 
administration  of  civil  justice  pertained  only  to  the 
regular  courts,  and  that  the  rights  of  the  litigants  did 
not  depend  on  his  views  as  to  the  merits  of  their  cases. 

Having  been  appealed  to  by  the  Governor  of  the 
State  to  remove  from  office  the  president  and  members 
of  the  police  jury  of  the  parish  of  Orleans,  they  being 
charged  with  appropriating  public  funds  to  their  own 
use,  General  Hancock  reiterated  the  principle  that 
these  were  matters  pertaining  to  the  civil  administra 
tion,  and  should  be  solely  dealt  with  by  the  courts. 

The  acts  of  General  Hancock's  administration  were 
simply  the  development  of  this  fundamental  icjea  of 
popular  government :  That  the  people  must  govern 
themselves  through  the  laws  made  by  their  chosen 
representatives,  and  that  the  sole  duty  of  the  military 


WINFIELD    SCOTT    HANCOCK.  253 

arm  was  to  prevent  interference  with  the  operation  of 
these  laws. 

This  was,  indeed,  a  great  change  from  the  policy 
which  had  prevailed ;  but  it  was  a  wise  change.  In 
stead  of  accustoming  the  people  to  the  sight  of  an 
authority  superior  to  law,  and  thus  breeding  a  contempt 
for  law  and  for  all  forms  of  civil  government,  General 
Hancock  taught  them  that  the  law  was  supreme ;  that 
it  was  competent  to  protect  them ;  and  that  it  would 
be  maintained  in  its  supremacy  by  the  fall  force  of  the 
United  States  army,  if  needed. 

Under  the  vicious  systejn  that  had  prevailed  up  to 
the  time  of  his  assumption  of  command  in  the  Fifth 
District,  the  civil  authority  had  been  either  utterly 
ignored  or  made  a  servile  attendant  on  the  military 
power.  Hancock  changed  all  this.  He  put  away  the 
power  which  was  offered  him,  and  proclaimed  himself 
subject  where  he  was  commissioned  to  be  autocrat. 
There  has  never  been  known  a  nobler  sacrifice  of  ambi 
tion  to  patriotism  than  that  which  General  Hancock 
showed  when  he  stripped  himself  of  all  the  extraordi 
nary  powers  conferred  upon  him,  and  elevated  civil 
government  to  its  proper  place  of  supremacy,  pledging 
himself  to  maintain  its  authority  with  his  life,  if 
necessary.  Grand  as  were  his  sacrifices  in  the  cause  of 
the  Union  when  assailed  by  arms,  his  record  as  the  civil 
administrator  at  a  time  when  free,  popular  government 
seemed  about  to  pass  away  from  the  land,  is  brighter 
yet. 

The  law  under  which  he  was  acting  as  commander  of 

o 

the  Fifth  Military  District  allowed  him,  at  his  discre- 


254  LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

tion,  to  assume  all  the  authority  of  civil  administration. 
He  could  make  and  unmake  judges  and  courts ;  could 
himself  adjudicate  cases  of  every  description  ;  could 
be,  in  his  own  person,  the  absolute  autocrat  of  the  two 
States  under  his  rule ;  or  he  could  sustain  the  civil 
authority,  and  permit  a  free,  popular  government  to 
be  maintained,  in  which  the  rights  of  all  would  be 
acknowledged.  He  preferred  to  relinquish  power  for 
himself,  and  to  place  it  where  it  belonged. 

The  orders  by  which  he  carried  out  this  beneficent 
change  show  so  strongly  the  clear  judgment,  the  fine 
perception,  and  the  absolutely  unwavering  conscien 
tiousness  of  the  General,  that  we  append  a  few  for  the 
purpose  of  illustration. 

The  people  of  Louisiana  and  Texas  had  been  so  long 
accustomed  to  look  to  the  whim  of  the  military  com 
mander  for  the  settlement  of  all  questions  of  law  arising 
in  the  intercourse  of  man  with  man,  and  even  in  those 
larger  matters  in  which  municipal  corporations  were 
concerned,  that  they  at  once  and  continually  besieged 
General  Hancock  with  applications  to  settle  this,  that, 
and  the  other  controversy,  which  belonged,  not  to  the 
military,  but  to  the  civil  branch  of  the  government. 
Hancock  invariably  turned  them  over  to  the  courts, 
with  the  information  that  whatever  the  law  decided 
would  be  carried  out,  backed  by  all  the  force  at  his 
disposal. 

Upon  his  arrival  at  New  Orleans,  General  Hancock 
found  that  distrust  of  the  courts,  and  contempt  for  the 
civil  administration  of  justice,  was  largely  caused  by 
the  unwise  and  arbitrary  regulations,  established  by  his 


WTNFIELD    SCOTT   HANCOCK.  255 

predecessor,  concerning  the  qualifications  of  jurors  for 
service  in  the  several  courts.  He  therefore  at  once 
revoked  the  regulations,  in  the  order  from  which  we 
make  the  following  extract,  showing  that,  from  the  first, 
he  comprehended  the  situation,  and  knew  that  relief 
was  to  be  obtained  only  by  establishing  civil  authority 
on  a  basis  that  would  command  respect :  — 

HEADQUARTERS  FIFTH  MILITARY  DISTRICT,      ) 
NEW  ORLEANS,  LA.,  Dec.  5,  1867.  $ 
SPECIAL  ORDERS  No.  203. 

2.  The  true  und  proper  use  of  military  power,  besides 
defending  the  national  honor  against  foreign  nations,  is  to 
uphold  the  laws  and  civil  government,  and  to  secure  to  every 
person  residing  among  us,  the  enjoyment  of  life,  liberty,  and 
property.  It  is  accordingly  made,  by  act  of  Congress,  the 
duty  of  the  commander  of  this  district  to  protect  all  persons 
in  those  rights,  to  suppress  disorder  and  violence,  and  to 
punish,  or  cause  to  be  punished,  all  disturbers  of  the  public 
peace  and  criminals. 

The  Commanding  General  has  been  officially  informed  that 
the  administration  of  justice,  and  especially  of  criminal  jus 
tice,  in  the  courts,  is  clogged,  if  not  entirely  frustrated,  by 
the  enforcement  of  paragraph  No.  2,  of  the  military  order 
numbered  special  orders  125,  current  series,  from  these 
headquarters,  issued  on  the  24th  of  August,  A.  D.  1807, 
relative  to  the  qualifications  of  persons  to  be  placed  on  the 
jury  lists  of  the  State  of  Louisiana. 

To  determine  who  shall  and  who  shall  not  be  jurors, 
appertains  to  the  legislative  power ;  and  until  the  laws  in 
existence  regulating  this  subject  shall  be  amended  or  changed 
by  that  department  of  the  civil  government,  which  the  con 
stitutions  of  all  the  States  under  our  republican  system  vest 


256  LIFE    AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

with  that  power,  it  is  deemed  best  to  carry  out  the  will  of 
the  people  as  expressed  in  the  last  legislative  act  upon  this 
subject. 

The  qualification  of  a  juror,  under  the  law,  is  a  proper 
subject  for  the  decision  of  the  courts.  The  Commanding 
General,  in  the  discharge  of  the  trust  reposed  in  him,  will 
maintain  the  just  power  of  the  judiciary,  and  is  unwilling  to 
permit  the  civil  authorities  and  laws  to  be  embarrassed  by 
militaiy  interference  ;  and  as  it  is  an  established  fact  that 
the  administration  of  justice  in  the  ordinary  tribunals  is 
greatly  embarrassed  by  the  operations  of  paragraph  No.  2. 
special  orders  No.  125,  current  series,  from  these  head 
quarters,  it  is  ordered  that  said  paragraph,  which  relates  to 
the  qualifications  of  persons  to  be  placed  on  the  juiy  lists  of 
the  State  of  Louisiana,  be,  and  the  same  is  hereby  revoked, 
and  that  the  trial  by  jury  be,  henceforth,  regulated  and  con 
trolled  by  the  Constitution  and  civil  laws,  without  regard 
to  any  military  orders  heretofore  issued  from  these  head 
quarters. 

By  command  of  MAJOR-GENERAL  HANCOCK. 

[Official,] 

Neither  would  he,  as  so  many  of  the  military  com 
manders  did,  permit  property  and  valuables  to  be 
placed  in  his  hands,  or  in  those  of  his  subordinates, 
under  circumstances  where  ordinarily  the  courts  would 
assume  control.  His  hands  were  always  clean,  and  lie 
would  tolerate  no  suspicion  of  dishonesty,  and  give  no 
opportunity  for  it  among1  those  about  him.  So,  on  the 
16th  of  December,  1867,  we  find  him  issuing  an  order 
revoking  one  that  his  predecessor  had  made,  and  re 
storing  the  estate  of  a  citizen  of  New  Orleans  to  the 


WLNFIELD   SCOTT   HANCOCK.  257 

control  of  the  local  tribunals,  and  ordering  that  the 
property  be  turned  over  "to  the  possession  of  the 
party  entitled  to  the  same  by  the  order  of  court." 

As  a  further  illustration  of  the  matters  which  mili 
tary  governors  had  been  accustomed  to  decide  accord 
ing  to  their  humor  at  the  moment,  thus  breeding  in  the 
people  a  distrust  of  popular  government  and  a 
demoralizing  habit  of  reliance  on  the  will  of  one  man 
in  power,  there  was  the  case  of  the  sale  of  a  school 
section  in  Avoyelles  Parish,  on  which  the  people  had 
voted,  but  which  was  sent  to  General  Hancock  for  ap 
proval  or  revocation.  He  replied,  placing  the  whole 
matter  in  the  hands  of  the  citizens  of  that  parish,  just 
where  the  authority  of  right  belonged.  This  is  his 
decision  on  the  question  :— 

HEADQUARTERS  FIFTH  MILITARY  DISTRICT,} 
OFFICE  OF  SECRETARY  FOR  CIVIL  AFFAIRS, 

NEW  ORLEANS,  LA.,  Dec.  28,  1867.     ) 

Lieutenant-Colonel  \V.  H.  WOOD,  Commanding  District  of  Louisiana,  New 
Orleans,  La. : 

COLONEL, —  I  am  directed  by  the  Major-General  Command 
ing  to  acknowledge  receipt  of  a  letter  from  Nelson  Durand 
(forwarded  by  }rou) ,  stating  that  the  treasurer  of  Avoyelles 
Parish,  La.,  caused  an  election  to  be  held  to  ascertain  if  the 
citizens  of  the  township  were  in  favor  of  selling  a  school 
section  belonging  to  the  parish,  and  requesting  an  opinion  as 
to  the  legality  of  said  election. 

In  reply  to  said  letter,  I  am  directed  by  him  to  state  that 
if  the  provision  of  the  law  were  complied  with  in  regard  to 
advertisements,  the  manner  of  taking  the  sense  of  the  inhab 
itants,  and  legal  voters  only  were  admitted  to  take  part,  there 
seems  to  be  no  reason  why  the  action  should  be  considered  a 
nullity.  It  was  not,  properly  speaking,  an  election,  but  a 


258  LIFE   AND   PUBLIC   SEEVICES   OF 

way  prescribed  by  law  of  arriving  at  the  will  of  the  com 
munity  as  regards  the  disposition  to  be  made  of  certain 
school  lands  belonging  to  the  parish. 

The  previous  authorization  of  the  Major-General  Com 
manding  is  not  considered  necessar}r.  But  if  the  sense  of 
the  people  was  not  duty  regarded  (on  the  previous  occasion) . 
as  to  the  foregoing  requirements,  the  matter  should  be  again 
referred  to  them  for  a  free  and  legal  expression  of  their 
opinion. 

I  am,  Colonel,  very  respectfully. 

Your  obedient  servant, 

W.  G.  MITCHELL, 
Bvt.  Lieut.-CoL,  U.  S.  A.,  Sec'yfor  Civil  Affairs. 

In  the  same  way,  when  the  Governor  of  Louisiana 
asked  General  Hancock  to  turn  out  of  office  the  mem 
bers  of  a  police  board,  whom  he  accused  of  malfeasance 
in  office,  without  any  judicial  investigation  of  the 
matter,  General  Hancock  read  him  a  courteous  but 
emphatic  lesson  on  the  proper  course  for  justice  to  take 
under  a  government  of  law,  sending  him  the  following 
communication : — 

HEADQUARTERS  FIFTH  MILITARY  DISTRICT,  ') 
OFFICE  OF  SECRETARY  FOR  CIVIL  AFFAIRS, 

NEW  ORLEANS,  LA.,  Dec.  30,  1867      ) 

His  EXCELLENCY  B.  F.  FLANDERS,  Governor  of  Louisiana 

GOVERNOR, —  I  am  directed  by  the  Major-General  Com 
manding  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  communication 
of  the  llth  inst.,  with  papers  and  documents  accompanying 
the  same,  charging  the  Police  Jury,  Parish  of  Orleans,  right 
bank,  with  appropriating  to  their  own  use  and  benefit  the 
public  funds  of  said  parish,  and  with  being  personalty  inter 
ested  in  contracts  let  by  them,  and  recommending  the  removal 


WINFIELD    SCOTT   HANCOCK.  259 

from  office  of  the  president  aud  members  of  said  Police  Jury  ; 
and,  in  reply,  to  state  that  these  charges  present  a  proper 
case  for  judicial  investigation  and  determination  ;  and  as  it  is 
evident  to  him  that  the  courts  of  justice  can  afford  adequate 
relief  for  the  wrongs  complained  of,  if  proved  to  exist,  the 
Major-General  Commanding  has  concluded  that  it  is  not  ad 
visable  to  resort  to  the  measures  suggested  in  your  excellency's 
communication . 

I  am,  Governor,  very  respectfully, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

W.  G.  MITCHELL, 
Bvt.  Lieut.- Col.,  U.  S.  A.,  Sec'y  for  Civil  Affairs. 

Then  there  was  the  business  of  registration  of  voters, 
with  which  General  Hancock's  predecessor  had  inter 
fered  in  an  arbitrary  manner,  interpreting  the  laws 
after  a  fashion  which  gave  opportunity  for  fraud  and 
for  oppression  that  had  been  turned  eagerly  to  partisan 
advantage.  He  promptly  revoked  the  orders,  abdi 
cated  the  autocratic  throne  assumed  by  his  predeces 
sor,  and  informed  the  Board  of  Registrars  that,  as 
they  were  given  full  powers  in  the  matter  by  act 
of  Congress,  he  should  hold  them  responsible  for  the 
proper  and  exact  performance  of  their  duties.  In  this 
way  he  removed  another  obstacle  to  local  self-govern 
ment.  Following  is  the  order  :  — 

HEADQUARTERS  FIFTH  MILITARY  DISTRICT,      ) 
NEW  ORLEANS,  LA.,  Jan.  11,  1868.  $ 
GENERAL  ORDERS  No.  3. 

Printed  ' '  Memoranda  of  disqualifications  for  the  guidance 
of  the  Board  of  Registrars,  under  the  Military  Bill  passed 
March  2,  1867,  and  the  Bill  supplementary  thereto,"  and 
* '  Questions  to  be  answered  by  persons  proposing  to  regis- 


260  LIFE   AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

ter,"  were  distributed  from  these  headquarters  in  the  month 
of  May,  1867,  to  the  members  of  the  Boards  of  Registration, 
then  in  existence  in  the  States  of  Louisiana  and  Texas,  for 
the  registration  of  "  the  male  citizens  of  the  United  States" 
who  are  qualified  to  vote  for  delegates  under  the  acts  entitled 
k ;  An  act  to  provide  for  the  more  efficient  government  of  the 
Rebel  States." 

These  k  *  Memoranda  "  and  k  i  Questions  "  are  as  follows  :  — 
[The  Memoranda,  being  lengthy,  are  omitted.] 
Grave  differences  of  opinion  exist  among  the  best  informed 
and  most  conscientious  citizens  of  the  United  States,  and  the 
highest  functionaries  of  the  National  Government,  as  to  the 
proper  construction  to  be  given  to  the  acts  of  Congress  pre 
scribing  the  qualifications  entitling  persons  to  be  registered 
as  voters,  and  to  exercise  the  right  of  suffrage  at  the  elec 
tions  to  be  holdeu  under  the  act  entitled  "  An  act  to  provide 
for  the  more  efficient  government  of  the  Rebel  States  "  and 
the  acts  supplementary  thereto.  Such  differences  of  opinion 
are  necessary  incidents  to  the  imperfection  of  human  language 
when  emplo}*ed  in  the  work  of  legislation. 

Upon  examining  those  acts,  the  Commanding  General  finds 
himself  constrained  to  dissent  from  the  construction  given  to 
them  in  the  "Memoranda"  referred  to.  This  construction 
would  of  course  necessarily  exclude  all  officers  'holding  offices 
created  under  special  acts  of  the  State  Legislatures,  includ 
ing  all  officers  of  municipal  corporations,  and  of  institutions 
organized  for  the  dispensation  of  charity,  under  the  authority 
of  such  special  laws.  Such  a  construction,  in  the  opinion  of 
the  Major-General  Commanding,  has  no  support  in  the  lan 
guage  of  the  acts  of  Congress  passed  on  the  2d  and  the  23d 
of  March,  1867,  which  were  the  only  acts  in  existence  when 
these  "Memoranda"  were  distributed.  Since  that  time, 
however,  what  was  before,  in  the  opinion  of  the  Command 
ing  General,  only  an  error  of  construction,  would  now  l)e  3. 


WIN^IELD    SCOTT   HANCOCK.  261 

contravention  of  the  law,  as  amended  and  defined  in  the  act 
of  July  19,  1867. 

The  Major-General  Commanding  also  dissents  from  various 
other  points  in  the  construction  given  to  the  disqualif3~ing 
clauses  of  the  acts  in  question,  as  shown  by  the  "Memo 
randa  "  referred  to  ;  but  he  will  add  nothing  further  to  what 
he  has  already  said  on  the  subject,  because  his  individual 
opinions  cannot  rightfully  have,  and  ought  not  to  have,  any 
influence  upon  the  Boards  of  Registration  in  the  discharge 
of  the  duties  expressly  imposed  upon  and  intrusted  to  them 
by  these  acts  of  Congress  as  they  now  stand.  The  Boards 
of  Registration  are  bodies  created  by  law  with  certain  lim 
ited  but  well-defined  judicial  powers.  It  is  made  their 
especial  duty  "to  ascertain,  upon  such  facts  as  they  can 
obtain,  whether  a,u\  person  applying  is  entitled  to  be  regis 
tered"  under  the  acts.  Their  decisions  upon  the  cases  of 
individual  applicants  are  final  as  to  the  right,  unless  appeals 
are  taken,  in  the  proper  form,  and  carried  before  competent 
superior  authority  for  revision  ;  and,  like  the  members  of 
ordinary  courts  engaged  in  the  exercise  of  judicial  func 
tions,  it  is  the  bounden  duty  of  the  members  of  the  Boards 
of  Registration  to  decide  upon  the  questions  as  to  the  right 
of  any  applicant,  on  the  facts  before  them,  and  in  obedience 
to  the  provisions  of  the  law. 

Since  the  passage  of  the  act  of  July  19,  18G7,  it  is  not 
only  the  right,  but  the  solemn  duty  of  the  members  of  these 
Boards,  each  for  himself,  and  under  the  sanction  of  his  oath 
of  office,  to  interpret  the  provisions  of  the  acts  from  which 
the  authority  of  the  Boards  was  derived,  and  to  decide  upon 
each  case  according  to  the  best  of  his  own  judgment. 

The  distribution  of  the  above  "Memoranda"  was  well 
calculated  to  produce  the  impression  in  the  minds  of  the 
members  of  Boards  of  Registration,  that  they  constituted 
rules  prescribed  to  them  for  their  government  in  the  dis- 


262  LIFE   AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES    Of 

charge  of  their  official  duties  which  they  were  required  to 
obe}r ;  and  it  seems  certain  from  various  communications  of 
facts  in  relation  to  the  mode  of  carrying  out  the  registration, 
that  the}^  were  so  regarded  by  the  members  of  the  Boards, 
and  that  they  not  only  influenced,  but  in  point  of  fact,  con 
trolled  the  proceedings  of  the  different  Boards. 

In  consequence  of  this,  and  as  the  time  for  the  revision  of 
the  registration  in  the  State  of  Texas  is  now  at  hand,  and 
the  duty  of  making  the  revision  will,  it  is  probable,  in  a  great 
degree  be  performed  by  persons  who  are  members  of  the 
Boards  of  Registration,  to  which  the  ;t  Memoranda"  in  ques 
tion  were  distributed  for  their  guidance,  the  Major-Geueral 
Commanding  deems  it  of  importance  that  the  members  of  the 
Boards  of  Registration,  and  the  people  at  large,  should  be 
informed  that  the  "Memoranda"  before  referred  to,  dis 
tributed  from  the  headquarters  of  this  Military  District,  are 
null  and  of  no  effect,  and  are  not  now  to  be  regarded  by 
the  Boards  of  Registration  in  making  their  decisions ;  and 
that  the  members  of  the  Boards  are  to  look  to  the  laws,  and 
to  the  laws  alone,  for  the  rules  which  are  to  govern  them  in 
the  discharge  of  the  delicate  and  important  duties  imposed 
upon  them. 

For  this  purpose,  the}r  will  be  furnished  with  copies  of  the 
acts  of  Congress  relating  to  this  subject,  and  of  the  amend 
ment  (known  as  Article  XIV.)  to  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States. 

In  case  of  questions  arising  as  to  the  right  of  any  indi 
vidual  to  be  registered,  the  person -deeming  himself  aggrieved 
is  entitled  to  his  appeal  from  the  decision  of  the  Board,  and 
the  Boards  are  directed  to  make  a  full  statement  of  the  facts 
in  such  cases,  and  to  forward  the  same  to  these  headquarters 
without  unnecessary  delay. 

By  command  of  MAJOR-GENERAL  HANCOCK. 
[Official.] 


W1NFIELD   SCOTT   HANCOCK.  263 

The  beneficial  effect  of  these  orders  was  seen  at  once 
in  the  increased  respect  paid  the  courts,  in  the  greater 
steadiness  of  society  and  of  business,  and  in  the  growth 
of  a  manly  self-reliance  among  citizens. 


264  LITE  AND  PUBLIC   SEK VICES   OF 


CHAPTER  VI. 

General  Hancock  and  the  Carpet-Baggers. —  He  reads  Governor  Pease 
a  Lecture  on  Constitutional  Government. —  His  Refusal  to  Sup 
plant  the  Courts  by  Military  Commissions. —  He  will  not  Inter 
fere  with  Civil  Suits  in  the  Courts.— Riparian  Rights  not  to  he 
Adjudicated  upon  by  Courts-Martial. —  "Arbitrary  Power  has  no 
Existence  here." 

THE  governors  of  the  Southern  States,  at  this  time, 
were  of  the  sort  known  as  carpet-baggers.  They  were, 
of  course,  intense  partisans,  and  usually  men  of  little 
or  no  honest  principle.  The  plunder  and  ruin  of  so 
many  Southern  States  attests  the  shameful  work  of 
these  men,  who  were  appointed  to  place  and  power  for 
which  they  were  notoriously  unfit,  as  a  reward  for 
political  service,  and  who  at  once  proceeded  to  make 
the  most  of  their  opportunity  for  enriching  themselves. 
They  relied  upon  the  support  of  the  Federal  troops  in 
maintaining  their  control  and  in  shielding"  them  from 

o  o 

the  consequences  of  their  brigandage.  They  had  no 
idea  of  constitutional  government,  or,  if  they  had,  they 
deliberately  and  persistently  acted  in  denial  of  such 
knowledge.  Instead  of  leading  the  States  which  they 
governed  in  the  path  of  reconstruction  toward  a  sound 
popular  government,  they  used  every  endeavor  to  per 
petuate  military  rule  and  to  crush  the  authority  of  law 
under  the  might  of  arms. 

To   a   statesman   like   Hancock,   such   a   monstrous 


WmFIELD   SCOTT   HANCOCK.  265 

wrong  was  unendurable.  Although  not  a  politician, 
he  knew  more  of  the  constitutional  history  of  our  coun 
try  than  all  of  these  creatures  of  party.  His  studies  at 
West  Point  had  grounded  him  in  the  fundamental  prin 
ciples  of  our  system,  and  as  a  man  he  had  added  to  this 
knowledge  the  teaching  of  a  wide  experience  of  and 
acquaintance  with  the  methods  of  popular  government. 
He  knew  that  in  our  Republic  the  people  ruled  them 
selves,  and  he  had  fought  and  shed  his  blood  to  secure 
for  them  the  right  of  self-government.  Now  he  was 
brought  into  contact  with  men  in  office  who  demanded 
that  the  people  should  not  govern  themselves,  but 
should  be  ruled  by  officials  whom  they  did  not  choose, 
under  military  coercion  ;  and  that  this  state  of  things 
should  continue  indefinitely. 

This  perversion  of  power  was  most  abhorrent  to  Han 
cock,  who  was  striving  to  reinstate  the  rule  of  law  and 
to  educate  a  community,  demoralized  by  war,  up  to  the 
point  of  local  self-government  again. 

Very  naturally,  his  ideas  soon  clashed  with  those  of 
the  carpet-bag  governors.  They  looked  to  him  for 
arbitrary  military  interference  over  the  head  of  the  law 
and  the  courts ;  he  demanded  that  the  law,  and  not  his 
individual  will,  should  be  the  ruling  power,  and  insisted 
that  the  law  should  be  obeyed. 

He  very  soon  came  into  conflict  with  Governor  Pease 
of  Texas,  as  we  have  already  stated,  on  the  subject  of 
the  appointment  of  military  commissions  ;  and  the  let 
ter  in  which  he  declares  his  position  on  this  matter  is 
so  clear  and  comprehensive,  that  we  give  it  here 
with  : — 


266  LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 


HEADQUARTERS  FIFTH  MILITARY  DISTRICT,^ 
OFFICE  OF  SECRETARY  FOR  CIVIL  AFFAIRS, 

NEW  ORLEANS,  LA.,  Dec.  28,  1867.     ) 

His  Excellency  E.  M.  PEASE,  Governor  of  Texas : 

SIR, —  Brevet  Maj.-Geu.  J.  J.  Reynolds,  commanding  Dis 
trict  of  Texas,  in  a  communication  dated  Austin,  Tex., 
Nov.  19,  1869,  requests  that  a  militar}r  commission  may  be 
ordered  "  for  the  trial  of  one  G.  W.  "Wall  and  such  other 
prisoners  as  may  be  brought  before  it,"  and  forwards  in  sup 
port  of  the  request,  the  following  papers  : 

1st.  A  printed  account  taken  from  a  newspaper  dated 
Uvalde,  Oct.  — ,  1867  (contained  in  a  letter  of  James  H. 
Taylor,  and  in  another  from  Dr.  Ansell,  U.  S.  Surgeon  at 

Fort  Inge) ,  of  the  murder  of  R.  W.  Black,  on  the day 

of  October,  1867.  In  this  account  it  is  stated  Mr.  Black 
was  shot  through  the  heart  by  G.  W.  Wall  "  while  lying  on 
the  counter  at  Mr.  Thomas's  store." 

2d.  A  letter  of  Judge  G.  H.  Noonan  to  Governor  Pease, 
dated  Nov.  10,  1867,  informing  him  that  "Wall,  Thacker, 
and  Pullian  are  in  confinement  in  Uvalde  County  for  murder." 
In  this  letter  it  is  asked,  ' '  Would  it  not  be  best  to  try  them 
by  military  commission  ?  " 

3d.  A  letter  from  Governor  Pease,  dated  "Executive  oi 
Texas,  Austin,  Nov.  11,  1867,"  in  which  the  Governor  states 
that  he  received  a  telegram  from  Judge  G.  H.  Noonan,  an 
extract  from  which  I  transmit  herewith.  In  the  letter  of  the 
Governor  the  further  statement  is  made  that  "Uvalde  County, 
where  the  prisoners  are  confined,  is  on  the  extreme  western 
frontier  of  the  State,  and  has  only  about  one  hundred  voters 
in  a  territory  of  about  nine  hundred  square  miles,"  and  he 
then  adds,  "  It  is  not  probable  that  they  (meaning  the  prison 
ers)  can  he  kept  in  confinement  long  enough  ever  to  be  tried 
by  the  civil  courts  of  that  county  ;"  and  expresses  the  opinion 
that  they  never  "can  be  brought  to  trial  unless  it  is  done 


WINFIELD   SCOTT   HANCOCK.  267 

before  a  military  commission."  And  he  therefore  asks  that  a 
military  commission  be  ordered  for  their  trial. 

From  an  examination  of  the  papers  submitted  to  the  Com 
mander  of  the  Fifth  Military  District,  it  does  not  appear  that 
there  is  any  indisposition  or  unwillingness  on  the  part  of  the 
local  civil  tribunals  to  take  jurisdiction  of,  and  to  try  the 
prisoners  in  question ;  and  a  suggestion  made  by  the  Gov 
ernor  that  it  is  not  probable  the  prisoners  can  be  kept  in 
confinement  long  enough  to  be  tried  by  the  civil  courts  (and 
which  is  apparently  based  on  the  fact  that  Uvalde  County  is 
a  frontier  county,  and  does  not  contain  more  than  a  hun 
dred  voters) ,  seems  to  be  the  only  foundation  on  which  the 
request  for  the  creation  of  a  military  commission  is  based. 
This,  in  the  opinion  of  the  Commanding  General,  is  not  suffi 
cient  to  justify  him  in  the  exercise  of  the  extraordinary 
power  vested  in  him  by  law  ' '  to  organize  military  commis 
sions  or  tribunals "  for  the  trial  of  persons  charged  with 
offences  against  the  laws  of  a  State. 

It  is  true  that  the  third  section  of  '  'An  act  to  provide  for 
the  more  efficient  government  of  the  Rebel  States,"  makes  it 
the  duty  of  the  commanders  of  military  districts  "  to  punish, 
or  cause  to  be  punished,  all  disturbers  of  the  public  peace  and 
criminals  ;"  but  the  same  section  also  declares  that  "  to  that 
end  he  may  allow  local  civil  tribunals  to  take  jurisdiction  of, 
and  to  try  offenders."  The  further  power  given  to  him  in 
the  same  section,  "when  in  his  judgment  it  may  be  neces 
sary  for  the  trial  of  offenders,"  to  organize  military  commis 
sions  for  that  purpose,  is  an  extraordinary  power,  and  from 
its  very  nature  should  be  exercised  for  the  trial  of  offenders 
against  the  laws  of  a  State  only  in  the  extraordinary  event 
that  the  local  civil  tribunals  are  unwilling  or  unable  to  enforce 
the  laws  against  crime. 

At  this  time  the  country  is  in  a  state  of  profound  peace. 
The  State  Government  of  Texas,  organized  in  subordination 


268  LIFE    AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

to  the  authority  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  is  in 
the  full  exercise  of  all  its  proper  powers.  The  courts,  duly 
empowered  to  administer  the  laws,  and  to  punish  all  offenders 
against  those  laws;  are  in  existence.  No  unwillingness  on 
the  part  of  these  courts  is  suggested  to  inquire  into  the  offences 
with  which  the  prisoners  in  question  are  charged,  nor  are  any 
obstructions  whatever  in  the  way  of  enforcing  the  laws  against 
them  said  to  exist.  Under  such  circumstances  there  is  no 
good  ground  for  the  exercise  of  the  extraordinary  power 
vested  in  the  commander  to  organize  a  military  commission 
for  the  trial  of  the  persons  named. 

It  must  be  a  matter  of  profound  regret  to  all  who  value 
constitutional  government,  that  there  should  be  occasions  in 
times  of  civil  commotion,  when  the  public  good  imperatively 
requires  the  intervention  of  the  military  power  for  the  repres 
sion  of  disorders  in  the  body  politic,  and  for  the  punishment 
of  offences  against  the  existing  laws  of  a  country  framed  for 
the  preservation  of  social  order ;  but  that  the  intervention  of 
this  power  should  be  called  for,  or  even  suggested,  by  civil 
magistrates,  when  the  laws  are  no  longer  silent  and  civil 
magistrates  are  possessed,  in  their  respective  spheres,  of  all 
the  powers  necessary  to  give  effect  to  the  laws,  excites  the 
surprise  of  the  commander  of  the  Fifth  Military  District. 

In  his  view  it  is  of  evil  example,  and  full  of  danger  to  the 
cause  of  freedom  and  good  government,  that  the  exercise  of 
the  military  power,  through  military  tribunals  created  for  the 
trial  of  offences  against  the  civil  law,  should  ever  be  permitted, 
when  the  ordinary  powers  of  the  existing  State  Governments 
are  ample  for  the  punishment  of  offenders,  if  those  charged 
with  the  administration  of  the  laws  are  faithful  in  the  dis 
charge  of  their  duties. 

If  the  means  at  the  disposal  of  the  State  authorities  are 
insufficient  to  secure  the  confinement  of  the  persons  named  in 
the  communication  of  the  Governor  of  the  State  of  Texas  to 


WINFIELD    SCOTT   HANCOCK.  269 

the  General  Commanding  there,  until  they  can  be  legally  tried, 
on  the  fact  being  made  known  to  him,  the  Commander  of  the 
district  will  supply  the  means  to  retain  them  in  confinement, 
and  the  commanding  officer  of  the  troops  in  Texas  is  so 
authorized  to  act.  If  there  are  reasons  'in  existence  which 
justify  an  apprehension  .that  the  prisoners  cannot  be  fairly 
tried  in  that  county,  let  the  proper  civil  officers  have  the 
"  venue"  changed  for  the  trial,  as  provided  for  by  the  laws 
of  Texas. 

In  the  opinion  of  the  Commander  of  the  Fifth  Military  Dis 
trict,  the  existing  government  of  the  State  of  Texas  possesses 
all  the  powers  necessary  for  the  proper  and  prompt  trial  of 
the  prisoners  in  question  in  due  course  of  law. 

If  these  powers  are  not  exercised  for  that  purpose,  the  fail 
ure  to  exercise  them  can  be  attributed  only  to  the  indolence 
or  culpable  inefficiency  of  the  officers  now  charged  with  the 
execution  and  enforcement  of  the  laws  under  the  authority  of 
the  State  Government ;  and  if  there  is  such  a  failure,  in  the 
instance  mentioned,  on  the  part  of  those  officers,  to  execute 
the  laws,  it  will  then  become  the  dut}^  of  the  commander  to 
remove  the  officers  who  fail  to  discharge  the  duties  imposed 
on  them,  and  to  replace  them  with  others  who  will  discharge 
them. 

Should  these  means  fail,  and  it  be  found,  on  further  expe. 
rience,  that  there  are  not  a  sufficient  number  of  persons 
among  the  people  now  exercising  political  power  in  Texas, 
to  supply  the  public  with  officers  who  will  enforce  the  laws  of 
the  State,  it  will  then  become  necessary  for  the  commander 
of  the  Fifth  Military  District  to  exercise  the  powers  vested  in 
him  by  the  acts  of  Congress  under  which  he  is  appointed, 
for  the  purpose  of  vindicating  the  majesty  of  the  law.  But 
until  such  necessity  is  shown  to  exist,  it  is  not  the  intention 
of  the  Commanding  General  to  have  recourse  to  those  powers  ; 
and  he  deems  the  present  a  fitting  occasion  to  make  this 


270  LITE   AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

known  to  the  Governor  of  Texas,   and  through  him  to  the 
people  of  the  State  at  large. 

I  am,  sir,  very  respectfully, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

W.  G.  MITCHELL, 
Bvt.  Lieut-Col,  U.  S.  A.,  Sec'y  for  Civil  Affairs. 

So  pressing  were  the  requests  that  he  should  inter- 
terfere  with  his  military  authority  in  matters  which 
belonged  strictly  to  the  courts,  and  in  which  individual 
judgment  had  no  place,  that  General  Hancock  was 
compelled,  early  in  his  administration,  to  issue  a  gen 
eral  order  explaining  why  such  interference  would  not  be 
permitted.  The  following  order  was  promulgated  : — 

HEADQUARTERS  FIFTH  MILITARY  DISTRICT,  ) 
NEW  ORLEANS,  LA.,  Jan.  1,  1868.      $ 
GENERAL  ORDERS  No.  1. 

Applications  have  been  made  at  these  headquarters  imply 
ing  the  existence  of  an  arbitrary  authority  in  the  Commanding 
General  touching  purely  civil  controversies. 

One  petitioner  solicits  this  action,  another  that,  and  each 
refers  to  some  special  consideration  of  grace  or  favor  which 
he  supposes  to  exist,  and  which  should  influence  this  De 
partment. 

The  number  of  such  applications  and  the  waste  of  time  they 
involve,  make  it  necessary  to  declare  that  the  administration 
of  civil  justice  appertains  to  the  regular  courts.  The  rights 
of  litigants  do  not  depend  on  the  views  of  the  general  —  they 
are  to  be  adjudged  and  settled  according  to  the  laws.  Arbi 
trary  power,  such  as  he  has  been  urged  to  assume,  has  no  ex 
istence  here.  It  is  not  found  in  the  laws  of  Louisiana  or  of 
Texas  —  it  cannot  be  derived  from  any  act  or  acts  of  Con 
gress  —  it  is  restrained  by  a  constitution  and  prohibited  from 
action  in  many  particulars. 


WINFIELD    SCOTT    HANCOCK,  271 

The  Major-General  Commanding  takes  occasion  to  repeat 
that,  while  disclaiming  judicial  functions  in  civil  cases,  he  can 
suffer  no  forcible  resistance  to  the  execution  of  process  of  the 
courts. 

By  command  of  MAJOR-GENERAL  HANCOCK. 
[Official.] 

To  understand  what  sort  of  applications  compelled 
the  issuance  of  the  above  order,  it  is  only  necessary  to 
mention  that  the  mayor  of  New  Orleans  actually  asked 
the  Commanding  General  to  exercise  his  military  author 
ity  to  stop  suits  against  the  city  of  New  Orleans  on  its 
corporate  notes  !  The  following  is  General  Hancock's 
reply : — 

HEADQUARTERS  FIFTH  MILITARY  DISTRICT, 
OFFICE  OF  SECRETARY  FOR  CIVIL  AFFAIRS, 

NEW  ORLEANS,  LA.,  Dec.  20,  1867. 

The  Hon.  E.  HEATH,  Mayor  of  New  Orleans  : 

SIR, —  In  answer  to  your  communication  of  the  30th  ult. , 
requesting  his  intervention  in  staying  proceedings  in  suits 
against  the  city  on  its  notes,  the  Major-General  Commanding 
directs  me  to  respectfully  submit  his  views  to  }rou  on  that 
subject  as  follows  :  — 

Such  a  proceeding  on  his  part  would,  in  fact,  be  a  stay-law 
in  favor  of  the  city  of  New  Orleans,  which,  under  the  Con 
stitution,  could  not  be  enacted  by  the  Legislature  of  the 
State  ;  and,  in  his  judgment,  such  a  power  ought  to  be  exer 
cised  by  him,  if  at  all,  only  in  a  case  of  the  most  urgent 
necessity. 

That  the  notes  referred  to  were  issued  originally  in  viola 
tion  of  the  charter  of  the  city,  cannot  be  denied ;  but  the 
illegal  act  has  since  been  ratified  by  the  Legislature.  The 
Corporation  is  therefore  bound  to  pay  them  ;  and,  even  if  a 
defence  could  be  made  on  technical  grounds,  it  would  be  dis.- 


272  LIFE   AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

graceful  for  the  city  to  avail  itself  of  it.  Wli3%  then,  should 
the  creditors  of  the  city  be  prevented  from  resorting  to  the 
means  given  them  to  enforce  the  obligation  ? 

In  support  of  }'our  application,  }*ou  state  that  the  city  is 
unable  to  pay  its  debts.  This  is,  unfortunately,  the  case  with 
most  debtors  ;  and  on  that  ground  nearly  all  other  debtors 
would  be  equally  entitled  to  the  same  relief. 

The  Supreme  Court  of  this  State  has  decided  that  taxes 
due  a  municipal  corporation  cannot  be  seized,  under  execu 
tion,  by  a  creditor  of  the  corporation,  nor  is  any  other 
property  used  for  municipal  purposes  liable  to -seizure.  If, 
therefore,  a  constable  levies  an  execution  on  such  property, 
he  is  a  trespasser  ;  and  the  city  has  its  remedy  against  him  in 
the  proper  tribunal. 

It  does  not,  therefore,  seem  to  the  Major-General  Com 
manding  that  there  is  an  urgent  necessity  which  would  justify 
his  interference  in  the  manner  required.  Besides,  the  expe 
diency  of  such  a  measure  is  more  than  questionable ;  for, 
instead  of  reinstating  the  confidence  of  the  public  in  city 
notes,  it  would  probably  destroy  it  altogether. 

I  am,  sir,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

W.  G.  MITCHELL, 
Bvt.  Lieut.-CoL,  U.  S.  A.,  Sec'y  for  Civil  Affairs. 

And  if  further  illustration  is  necessary  to  show  to 
what  extent  this  demoralizing  policy  of  military  inter 
ference  had  been  carried,  and  how  necessary  it  was  to 
stop  it  before  all  respect  for  the  law  was  destroyed,  we 
present  the  following  letter  of  General  Hancock,  which 
explains  in  itself  the  request,  and  gives  the  answer: — 

HEADQUARTERS  FIFTH  MILITARY  DISTRICT,} 
OFFICE  OF  SECRETARY  FOR  CIVIL  AFFAIRS,  £ 

NEW  ORLEANS,  LA.,  Jan.  2,  1868.     ) 
HENUY  VAN  VLEBT,  Esq.,  Chief  Engineer : 

SIR, —  In  reply  to  your  communication,  requesting  the 
Hajor-General  Commanding  to  issue  a  certain  order  relative 


WINFIELD   SCOTT   HANCOCK.  273 

to  the  New  Orleans,  Mobile  and  Chattanooga  Railroad  Com 
pany,  I  am  directed  by  him  to  state  :  — 

That  the  order  asked  for  embraces  questions  of  the  most 
important  and  delicate  nature,  such  as  the  exercise  of  the 
right  of  eminent  domain,  obstruction  of  navigable  rivers  or 
outlets,  etc.,  and  it  appears  to  him  very  questionable  whether 
he  ought  to  deal  with  questions  of  that  kind  ;  nor  is  it  clear 
that  any  benefit  could  result  to  the  company  from  such  an 
order. 

So  far  as  the  State  of  Louisiana  is  concerned,  there  can  be 
no  difficulty  in  obtaining  a  decree  of  appropriation  of  the  land 
which  may  be  required  for  the  enterprise,  according  to  the 
existing  laws,  as  the  company  has  been  regularly  incorporated 
under  the  general  corporation  act.  Be  this,  however,  as  it 
may,  the  question  of  power,  which  the  company  desires  solved 
by  the  proposed  order,  belongs  properly  to  the  judiciary,  and 
therefore  the  Major-General  Commanding  declines  to  take 
action  in  the  matter. 

If  you  desire,  the  papers  in  this  case,  together  with  a  copy 
of  this  letter,  will  be  forwarded  to  the  Secretary  of  War. 
I  am,  sir,  very  respectfully, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

W.  G.  MITCHELL, 
Bvt.  Lieut.-CoL,  U.  S.  A,,  Sec'y  for  Civil  Affairs. 

In  all  the  vastly  perplexing  duties  of  his  civil  admin 
istration,  General  Hancock  pursued  the  same  calm, 
unwavering  purpose  ;  on  whatever  side  he  was  assailed 
with  demands  for  the  elevation  of  the  military  over  the 
civil  power,  he  consistently  and  convincingly  showed 
that  the  civil  authority  must  rule,  and  the  military  only 
support  the  kws  and  suppress  violent  opposition  to 
them. 


274  LITE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Troops  at  the  Polls.  —  Hancock's  Famous  Order.  —  Soldiers  to  Visit 
the  Polls  only  to  Vote.  —  Hancock  Declines  to  use  his  Troops  for 
the  Collection  of  Taxes.  —  He  Instructs  Governor  Pease  in  the  Art 
of  Law  and  of  Civil  Government.  —  The  Usurpations  of  the  Freed- 
inen's  Bureau.  —  Hancock's  Letter  to  General  Howard  on  the  Sub 
ject. 

ONE  of  the  most  humiliating  acts  of  the  carpet-bag 
rulers  of  the  Southern  States  was  the  policing  of  the 
polls  with  Federal  bayonets  at  the  time  of  election.  It 
was  done  under  the  plea  that  violence  and  intimidation 
were  feared.  The  natural  effect,  of  course,  was  to 
inflame  the  passions  of  the  people  and  induce  violence 
where  none  was  ever  contemplated  before.  But  the 
most  emphatic  proof  of  the  insincerity  of  this  plea 
is  found  in  the  fact  that  the  entire  civil  government,  in 
every  department,  was  in  the  hands  of  the  men  who 
pretended  to  fear  violence  at  the  polls,  and  that  in  all 
places  there  was  an  army  of  occupation,  ready  to 
answer,  at  a  moment's  call,  the  demand  for  troops  to 
support  the  police  in  case  of  trouble. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  recite  the  instances  of  gross 
fraud  and  perversion  of  the  will  of  the  people  which 
occurred  under  this  system.  It  was  impossible  that 
men  of  the  character  of  those  who  then  held  the  gov 
ernment  should  conduct  themselves  honestly  when  they 
held  not  only  the  entire  civil  machinery  of  elections  in 
their  hands,  but  also  controlled  an  armed  force  with 


WINFIELD    SCOTT   HANCOCK.  275 

which  to  exclude  any  or  all  citizens  from  the  polls  at 
their  will.  It  is  easily  understood  how,  with  these 
resources,  they  permitted  none  to  vote  except  those 
who  would  vote  as  they  wished.  • 

Every  occurrence  of  this  sort,  of  course,  increased 
the  bad  feeling  among  the  people,  and  naturally  led  to 
violence.  It  was  the  direct  way  in  which  to  breed  and 
foster  hatred  of  the  government  whose  representative 
was  a  bayonet,  and  at  the  same  time  to  accustom  the 
people  to  the  sight  of  the  degradation  of  the  civil 
power  below  that  of  the  military. 

One  of  General  Hancock's  early  acts  was  to  remove 
this  unrepublican  idea.  He  took  the  constitutional 
ground  that  the  civil  officers  of  the  peace  must  alone  have 
charge  of  the  duty  of  preserving  order  at  elections, 
unless,  in  the  opinion  of  the  civil  authorities,  violence 
prevailed  to  such  an  extent  that  it  could  not  be  quelled 
without  the  aid  of  the  military.  As  in  all  his  orders, 
he  held  that  the  military  arm  should  be  used  only  to 
sustain  the  civil  authority,  not  to  supersede  it.  Gen 
eral  Hancock's  order  on  this  subject  is  as  follows  : — 

HEADQUARTERS  FIFTH  MILITARY  DISTRICT,  £ 
NEW  ORLEANS,  LA.,  Dec.  18,  1867.          $ 
SPECIAL  ORDERS  No.  213. 

EXTRACT. 

I.  In  compliance  with  the  supplementary  act  of  Congress 
of  March  23,  1867,  notice  is  hereby  given  that  an  election 
will  be  held  in  the  State  of  Texas  on  the  tenth,  eleventh, 
twelfth,  thirteenth,  and  fourteenth  days  of  February,  1868, 
to  determine  whether  a  convention  shah1  be  held,  and  for 
delegates  thereto,  "to  form  a  constitution"  for  the  State 
under  said  act. 


276  LIFE   AND   PUBLIC   SERVICES   OF 

DC.  Military  interference  with  elections,  "  unless  it  shall 
be  necessary  to  keep  the  peace  at  the  polls,"  is  prohibited  by 
law  ;  and  no  soldiers  will  be  allowed  to  appear  at  any  polling 
place,  unless,  as  citizens  ot  the  State,  they  are  registered  as 
voters,  and  then  only  for  the  purpose  of  voting ;  but  the 
commanders  of  posts  will  be  prepared  to  act  promptly  if  the 
civil  authorities  fail  to  preserve  the  peace. 

X.  The  sheriff  and  other  peace  officers  of  each  county  are 
required  to  be  present  during  the  whole  time  the  polls  are 
kept  open,  and  until  the  election  is  completed,  and  will  be 
made  responsible  that  there  shall  be  no  interference  with 
judges  of  election,  or  other  interruption  of  good  order. 

As  an  additional  measure  to  secure  the  purity  of  the  elec 
tion,  each  registrar  or  clerk  is  hereby  clothed,  during  the 
election,  with  authorit}'  to  call  upon  the  civil  officers  of  the 
county  to  make  arrests,  and,  in  case  of  failure  of  the  afore 
said  civil  officers,  are  empowered  to  perform  their  duties 
during  the  election.  They  will  make  full  report  of  such 
failures  on  the  part  of  civil  officers  to  the  Commanding 
General,  Fifth  Military  District,  through  the  headquarters, 
District  of  Texas,  for  orders  in  each  case. 

By  command  of  MAJOR-GENERAL  HANCOCK. 
[Official.] 

The  idea  instilled  into  the  minds  of  those  appointed 
to  civil  rule  in  Louisiana  and  Texas  seemed  to  be  that 
they  were  to  govern  by  military  force.  General  Han 
cock  was  constantly  in  receipt  of  requests  from  the 
carpet-baggers  of  various  degrees  of  authority,  to 
undertake  by  military  power  the  work  which,  under  a 
proper  scheme  of  government,  would  rest  entirely  with 
the  civil  arm.  It  was  thus  in  the  matter  of  troops  at 


WINFIELD    SCOTT    HANCOCK.  277 

the  polls.  The  Governor  wanted  the  military  to  take 
control  to  the  exclusion  of  the  proper  civil  authorities, 
because  it  suited  his  purpose  better.  So  in  the  matter 
of  the  collection  of  taxes.  Before  there  had  been  any 
attempt  to  collect  the  levy,  an  appeal  for  force  was  sent 
to  General  Hancock.  He  replied  as  follows  : — 

HEADQUARTERS  FIFTH  MILITARY  DISTRICT,^ 
OFFICE  OF  SECRETARY  FOR  CIVIL  AFFAIKS, 

NEW  ORLEANS,  LA.,  Jan.  15,  1868.          ) 

H.  PERALTA,  Esq.,  Auditor  of  Public  Accounts,  New  Orleans,  La. : 

SIR, —  I  am  directed  by  the  Major-General  Commanding  to 
acknowledge  receipt  of  your  letter  of  the  13th  inst.,  in  which 
you  state  that  the  "taxes  imposed  by  the  Constitutional 
Convention  cannot  be  collected  through  the  ordinary  process 
of  collecting  taxes  in  this  State,"  and  "refer  the  whole 
matter  to  him  for  his  action  ;  "  and,  in  reply,  to  state  that  the 
tax-collectors  of  the  parishes  of  Orleans  and  Jefferson,  in 
their  report  to  you  of  the  same  date,  say  that  "the  tax 
payers  have  generally  refused  to  pay  the  tax."  By  reference 
to  the  ordinance  of  the  convention,  you  will  find  u  that  the 
Auditor  of  Public  Accounts  of  the  State  shall,  as  under 
existing  laws  in  relation  to  the  collection  of  taxes,  superin 
tend  and  control  the  collection  of  said  tax  of  one  mill  per 
cent. ,  and  shall  give  immediate  notice  and  instructions  to  the 
different  sheriffs  and  tax-collectors." 

It  does  not  appear,  from  your  statement,  that  any  process 
for  the  collection  of  this  tax  has  issued,  or  that  any  othei 
steps  have  been  taken,  except  giving  notice  in  the  news 
papers,  and  a  demand  to  pay,  which  has  been  refused.  No 
resort  has  been  made  to  those  coercive  means  to  enforce  the 
payment  of  taxes  pointed  out  by  the  laws  of  the  State  ;  this 
it  is  your  duty  to  direct  the  tax-collector  to  do.  When  that 
is  done  (and  forcible  resistance  should  be  made) ,  the  Major- 


278  LIFE   AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

General  Commanding  will,  upon  it  being  reported  to  him, 
take  prompt  measures  to  vindicate  the  supremacy  of  the  law. 
I  am,  sir,  ver}^  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

W.  G.  MITCHELL, 
Bvt.  Lieut. -CoL,  U.  S.  A,  Sec'y  for  Civil  Affairs. 

Even  this  did  not  satisfy  them,  and  a  subsequent 
inquiry  was  made  of  General  Hancock  as  to  what  he 
would  do  in  case  the  civil  courts  interfered  with  the 
tax-collectors  in  the  discharge  of  their  duties.  General 
Hancock  made  this  reply  : — 

HEADQUARTERS  FIFTH  MILITARY  DISTRICT,  ^ 
OFFICE  OF  SECRETARY  FOR  CIVIL  AFFAIRS,  > 

NEW  ORLEANS,  LA  ,  Jan.  21, 1878.          ) 
Hon.  WM.  P.  MCMILLAN  and  Hon.  M.  VIDAL,  Special  Committee: 

GENTLEMEN, — The  Major-General  Commanding  directs  me 
to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  letter  of  the  1 7th  inst. , 
and  to  state  in  reply  that  the  second  ordinance  of  the  Con 
stitutional  Convention,  adopted  on  the  4th  of  January,  1868, 
provides  a  new  mode  for  the  collection  of  the  tax,  and 
imposes  penalties  on  defaulting  tax-payers. 

You  request  the  Commanding  General  to  state  what  his 
action  would  be,  should  the  civil  courts  of  Louisiana  interfere 
with  the  collectors  in  the  discharge  of  their  duties. 

In  this  connection,  the  Commanding  General  deems  it 
unnecessary  to  repeat  what  he  has  already  stated  in  reply  tc 
a  previous  letter  concerning  his  authority  on  this  subject. 

It  would  be  highly  improper  for  him  to  anticipate  any 
illegal  interference  of  the  courts  in  the  matter. 

Whenever  a  case  arises  for  the  interposition  of  the  powers 
vested  in  the  Commanding  General  by  the  acts  of  Congress, 
he  will  promptly  exercise  them  for  the  maintenance  of  law 
and  order. 

I  am,  sir,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

W.  G.  MITCHELL, 
Bvt.  Lieut.-CoL,  U.  S.  A.,  Sec'y  for  Civil  Affairs. 


WINFIELD   SCOTT   HANCOCK.  279 

General  Hancock,  although  not  bred  to  the  law  or  to 
politics,  was  doing  a  most  excellent  work  in  teaching 
these  lawyers  and  politicians  the  rudiments  as  well  as 
the  details  of  civil  administration.  It  can  truthfully  be 
said  that  few  governors  of  States  have  ever  had  so 
many  perplexing  questions  of  law  and  of  jurisdiction 
placed  before  them  for  decision  as  General  Hancock  was 
assailed  with  when  he  was  given  absolute  power,  for 
good  or  for  evil,  in  the  carpet-bag-ridden  States  of 
Louisiana  and  Texas.  And  in  deciding  these  cases  he 
showed  a  clearness  of  mind  and  a  genius  for  adminis 
tration  which  entitle  him  to  a  high  place  among  execu 
tive  officers.  If  he  was  not  born  a  statesman,  he 
certainly  developed  into  one. 

The  contrast  between  Hancock  and  the  general  whom 
he  was  sent  to  supersede  on  the  critical  first  day  of  the 
Gettysburg  fight  is  clearly  shown  by  the  incidents 
which  occurred  about  this  time.  General  Howard  was 
at  the  head  of  the  Freedmen's  Bureau ;  and,  as  this 
Bureau  was  run  almost  exclusively  as  a  party  machine, 
there  was  inevitable  conflict  between  its  operations  and 
the  purposes  of  a  commander  who  was  acting  for  his 
country  and  not  for  party.  Some  friction  having 
occurred  in  General  Hancock's  department,  he  addressed 
a  letter  to  General  Howard  on  the  subject,  which  is 
given  here  for  the  reason  that  in  it  Hancock  again  states 
certain  vital  principles  which  it  would  have  been  well 
to  inculcate  in  the  minds  of  all  district  commanders 
at  that  time. 


280  LIFE   AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 


HEADQUARTERS  FIFTH  MILITARY  DISTRICT,  ) 
NEW  ORLEANS,  LA.,  Feb.  24 , 1868.          $ 

Major-General  O.  O.  HOWARD  ,  Commissioner  of  Bureau  Refugees,  Freed- 
men,  and  Abandoned  Lands,  Washington  D.  C- : 

GENERAL, —  Referring  to  the  report  of  Captain  E.  Collins, 
Seventeenth  Infantry,  sub-assistant  commissioner  of  the  Bu 
reau  refugees,  freedmen,  and  abandoned  lands,  at  Brenham, 
Tex.,  dated  Dec.  31,  1867,  and  transmitted  by  you  for  my 
information,  I  have  the  honor  to  state  that  I  do  not  under 
stand  how  any  orders  of  mine  can  be  interpreted  as  interfer 
ing  with  the  proper  execution  of  the  law  creating  the  Bureau. 
It  is  certainly  not  my  intention  that  they  should  so  interfere. 
Anything  complained  of  in  that  letter,  which  could  have  law 
fully  been  remedied  by  the  exercise  of  military  authorit}', 
should  have  received  the  action  of  General  Reynolds,  who, 
being  military  commander,  and  also  Assistant  Commissioner 
for  Texas,  was  the  proper  authority  to  apply  the  remedy,  and 
to  that  end  was  vested  with  the  necessary  power. 

A  copy  of  the  report  of  .Captain  Collins  had  already  been 
forwarded  to  me  by  General  Reynolds  before  the  receipt  of 
your  communication,  and  returned  to  him  January  16th,  with 
the  following  indorsement:  "Respectfully  returned  Brevet 
Maj.-Gen.  J.  J.  Reynolds,  commanding  District  of  Texas. 
Th|,s  paper  seems  to  contain  only  vague  and  indefinite 
complaints,  without  specific  action  as  to  any  particular  cases. 
If  Captain  Collins  has  any  special  cases  of  the  nature 
referred  to  in  his  communication,  which  require  action  at 
these  headquarters,  he  can  transmit  them,  and  they  will 
receive  attention." 

No  reply  has  been  received  to  this  ;  a  proof  either  of  the 
non-existence  of  such  special  cases,  or  of  neglect  of  duty  on 
the  part  of  Captain  Collins  in  not  reporting  them.  It  is,  and 
will  be  my  pleasure  as  well  as  duty,  to  aid  you  and  the  offi 
cers  and  agents  under  your  direction,  in  the  proper  execution 


WINFIELD   SCOTT   HANCOCK.  281 

of  the  law.  I  have  just  returned  from  a  trip  to  Texas. 
Whilst  there  I  passed  through  Brenham  twice,  and  saw 
Captain  Collins  ;  but  neither  from  him  nor  from  General  Rey 
nolds,  did  I  hear  anything  in  regard  to  this  subject,  so  far  as 
I  recollect. 

There  are  numerous  abuses  of  authority  on  the  part  of 
certain  agents  of  the  Bureau  in  Texas,  and  General  Reynolds 
is  alread}^  investigating  some  of  them. 

My  intention  is  to  confine  the  agents  of  the  Bureau  within 
their  legitimate  authority,  so  far  as  my  power  as  district  com 
mander  extends  ;  further  than  that,  it  is  not  my  intention  or 
desire  to  interfere  with  the  Freedmen's  Bureau.  I  can  say, 
however,  that  had  the  district  commander  a  superior  control 
over  the  freedmen's  affairs  in  the  district,  the  Bureau  would 
be  as  useful,  and  would  work  more  harmoniously,  and  be 
more  in  favor  with  the  people.  At  present  there  is  a  clash 
ing  of  authority.  I  simply  mention  the  facts  without  desir 
ing  any  such  control. 

The  Reconstruction  Acts  charge  district  commanders  with 
the  duty  of  protecting  all  persons  in  their  rights  of  person 
and  property ;  and  to  this  end  authorize  them  to  allow  local 
civil  tribunals  to  take  jurisdiction  of,  and  try  offenders  ;  or  if 
in  their  opinion  necessary,  to  organize  a  military  commission 
or  tribunals  for  that  purpose. 

They  are  thus  given  control  over  all  criminal  proceedings 
for  violation  of  the  statute  laws  of  the  States,  and  for  such 
other  offences  as  are  not  by  law  made  triable  by  the  United 
States  courts.  The  Reconstruction  Acts  exempt  no  class  of 
persons  from  their  operation,  and  the  duty  of  protecting  all 
persons  in  their  rights  of  person  and  property,  of  necessity 
invests  district  commanders  with  control  over  the  agents  of 
the  Bureau,  to  the  extent  of  at  least  enabling  them  to  restrain 
these  agents  from  any  interference  with,  or  disregard  of  their 
prerogatives  as  district  commanders. 


282  LIFE   AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

The  district  commanders  are  made  responsible  for  the  pres 
ervation  of  peace  and  the  enforcement  of  the  local  laws 
within  their  districts ;  and  they  are  the  ones  required  to 
designate  the  tribunals  before  which  those  who  break  the 
peace  and  violate  these  laws  shall  be  tried. 

Such  being  the  fact,  many  of  the  agents  of  the  Bureau 
seem  not  to  be  aware  of  it.  In  Texas,  some  are  yet  holding 
courts,  trying  cases,  imposing  fines,  taking  fees  for  services, 
and  arresting  citizens  for  offences  over  which  the  Bureau  is 
not  intended  by  law  to  have  jurisdiction. 

General  Reynolds  is  aware  of  some  of  these  cases,  and  is, 
as  I  have  already  mentioned,  giving  his  attention  to  them. 

In  Louisiana,  this  state  of  affairs  exists  to  a  less  extent,  if 
at  all. 

I  am,  General,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

W.  S.  HANCOCK, 
Major- General  U-  S.  Army  Commanding. 

Howard,  it  will  be  observed,  had  been  eager  in 
usurping  authority  which  did  not  belong  to  his  agents  ; 
Hancock  had,  from  the  first,  refused  to  assume  the 
authority  vested  in  him  at  his  discretion,  whenever  the 
civil  government  could  perform  the  duty.  The  differ 
ence  is  that  between  a  government  by  the  people,  under 
laws  of  their  own  enactment,  and  a  government  of  cen 
tralized  force,  acting  through  agents  irresponsible  to 
the  people.  General  Hancock  now  represents  the  same 
idea  in  the  Presidential  contest  that  he  represented  in 
1868"  as  commander  of  the  Fifth  Military  District. 


WINTIELD   SCOTT   HANCOCK.  283 


CHAPTER  VIIL 

The  Carpet-Baggers  protest  against  Civil  Government. —  Govern or 
Pease's  Open  Letter. —  General  Hancock's  Reply. —  The  Soldier  de 
fends  the  Constitution  and  the  Rights  of  the  People  against  the  Law 
yer.  —  Congress  attempts  to  get  rid  of  Hancock. —  A  Bill  which  They 
dared  not  pass. —  Grant  made  the  Instrument  of  the  Radicals. — 
He  supersedes  the  President  and  revokes  Hancock's  Orders. — 
Hancock's  Resignation. 

IT  was  quite  natural  that  the  carpet-bag  governors  of 
Louisiana  and  Texas  should  dislike  General  Hancock's 
system.  It  deprived  them  of  the  arbitrary  power  which 
they  had  been  accustomed  to  wield,  and  gave  the  people 
a  chance  to  govern  themselves  in  a  quiet  and  decent 
way  under  the  law.  They  saw  their  consequence  and 
their  opportunities  for  profit  falling  away  from  them, 
and  they  realized  that,  with  returning  prosperity,  peace, 
and  contentment,  their  occupation  as  governors  would 
be  gone.  Hence  they  rebelled  against  Hancock's 
declaration  that  "  the  right  of  trial  by  jury,  the  habeas 
corpus,  the  liberty  of  the  press,  the  freedom  of  speech, 
the  natural  rights  of  persons,  and  the  rights  of  property 
should  be  preserved." 

Governor  Pease  of  Texas  was  especially  worried 
about  the  reip-n  of  law  which  General  Hancock  had  intro- 

o 

duced.  This  Pease  had  been  appointed  to  his  place 
under  military  rule,  and  he  had  himself  ruled  with 
recklessness  and  cruelty.  Shortly  after  he  came  into 
office,  all  of  the  judges  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  Texas, 


284  LITE    AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

five  in  number,  and  twelve  out  of  seventeen  of  the 
district  judges,  were  arbitrarily  removed  from  office ; 
and  others,  whom  this  functionary  desired,  were 
appointed  in  their  places.  In  addition  to  this,  the 
county  officers  in  seventy-five  out  of  the  one  hundred 
and  twenty-eight  counties  were  removed,  and  others 
appointed  in  their  places.  By  arbitrary  order,  none 
but  persons  capable  of  taking  the  test  oath,  and  regis 
tered  as  such,  were  allowed  to  serve  as  jurors. 

No  people  but  one  defeated  and  exhausted  by  a  long 
and  bloody  war,  would  have  endured  such  outrages. 
Such  arbitrary  acts,  of  themselves,  would  have  been 
sufficient,  under  ordinary  circumstances,  to  have  de 
luged  any  State  in  blood.  But  the  oppressed  ex-rebels 
proudly  endured  the  wrong  in  silence. 

This  wrong,  General  Hancock,  as  soon  as  he  took 
command,  aimed  to  repair ;  and  his  first  step  in  this 
direction  was  the  promulgation  of  the  famous  "  General 
Order  No.  40."  To  this  order  Governor  Pease  took 
exception,  and  sent  to  the  press  an  open  letter  addressed 
to  General  Hancock,  in  which  he  criticised  with  great 
severity  the  action  of  the  latter  in  issuing  the  order. 

He  cited  the  act  of  Congress  providing  "for  the 
more  efficient  government  of  the  Southern  States," 
which  made  the  government  of  Texas  provisional,  and, 
as  a  part  of  the  Fifth  Military  District,  subject  to  mili 
tary  law.  He  affirmed  that  the  President  had  put 
Hancock  in  command  of  a  military  force  to  protect  the 
rights  of  property  and  person,  suppress  insurrection 
and  violence,  and  to  punish  offenders  either  by  military 
commissions  or  by  the  local  civil  tribunals,  as  his  judg- 


WINFIELD    SCOTT   HANCOCK.  285 

ment  might  seem  best.  He  declared  further  that  there 
were  practically  no  local  civil  tribunals  ;  that  it  was  not 
true,  as  was  alleged  in  "Order  No.  40,"  that  there  was 
no  longer  any  organized  resistance  to  the  authority  of 
the  United  States,  but  that,  on  the  contrary,  a  large 
majority  of  the  white  population  who  participated  in 
the  late  rebellion  were  embittered  against  the  govern 
ment,  yielding  only  an  unwilling  obedience,  having  no 
affection,  and  but  little  respect,  for  the  government. 
He  declared  that  the  people  of  Texas  regarded  the 
reconstruction  legislation  of  Congress  as  unconstitu 
tional,  the  provisional  government  a  usurpation,  and 
the  emancipation  of  their  slaves  and  their  own  disfran- 
chisement  as  insult  and  oppression.  For  this  and  simi 
lar  reasons,  Governor  Pease  demanded  that  General 
Hancock  set  aside  the  local  tribunals,  and  enforce 
penalties  by  military  commissions. 

Here  the  spectacle  was  presented  .to  the  world  of  a 
civil  executive  demanding  that  military  rule  shall  be 
established  above  the  law  of  the  Jand,  and  arguing  the 
case  against  an  old  soldier  who  had  staked  even  his 
military  position  on  the  issue  that  the  law  of  the  land 
shall  prevail  over  the  power  which  he  himself  wielded. 

But  the  soldier  lost  no  time  in  repulsing  this  civilian 
assault  upon  his  works.  Governor  Pease  had  given  his 
letter  to  the  press,  for  political  effect  at  the  North,  long 
before  he  sent  it  to  General  Hancock ;  but  the  latter 
replied  at  once  on  receipt  of  the  missive,-  and  with 


vigor. 


He  pointed  out  the  option  given  him  by  the  Recon 
struction  Act,  to  govern  by  the  local  civil  tribunals,  if 


286  LITE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

in  his  judgment  he  thought  best.  The  act,  therefore, 
recognized  those  local  civil  tribunals  as  legal  authori 
ties  for  the  purpose  specified. 

He  showed  that  such  matters  as  the  affection  or 
respect  or  hatred  of  the  people,  so  long  as  not  devel 
oped  into  violation  of  law,  were  matters  beyond  the 
power  of  human  tribunals,  and  that  freedom  of  thought 
and  speech,  though  acrimonious,  was  consistent  with 
human  welfare.  What  the  people  of  Texas  thought 
of  the  constitutionality  or  unconstitutlonality  of  acts 
of  Congress,  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  manner  in 
which  they  should  be  ruled. 

He  declared  that,  at  the  expiration  of  two  years  after 
the  close  of  the  war,  it  was  time  to  remember  that  it 
was  proposed  that  the  American  people  should  be  free 
men  and  that  it  was  time  to  tolerate  free  popular  dis 
cussion,  and  to  extend  forbearance  and  consideration 
to  opposing  views. 

He  showed  that  to  deny  a  profound  state  of  peace  in 
Texas  necessitated  a  like  denial  in  regard  to  any  State 
in  the  Union  where  differences  of  opinion  exist  between 
majorities  and  minorities,  and  that,  if  difficulties  in 
enforcing  criminal  laws  in  Texas  authorized  the  setting 
aside  of  the  local  tribunals  and  the  setting  up  of  arbi 
trary  military  commissions,  they  would  warrant  them 
in  every  State  of  the  Union,  where  it  is  true  that  sher 
iffs  fail  often  to  arrest,  where  grand  jurors  will  not 
always  indict,  where  petit  juries  have  acquitted  per 
sons  who  were  guilty,  and  where  prisoners  charged 
with  offences  have  broken  jail  and  escaped.  ^£uch 
reasons  for  establishing  military  commissions '"  would 


WINFIELD    SCOTT   HANCOCK.  287 

wipe  civil  government  and  law  and  liberty  from  the 
face  of  the  earth. 

He  showed  with  clearness  that  if  he  set  aside  the 
laws  enacted  for  the  people  of  the  States  lately  in 
rebellion,  which  laws  were  not  in  conflict  with  the 
Constitution  and  acts  of  Congress,  there  would  no 
longer  exist  any  rights  of  person  and  property ;  and 
he  demonstrated  the  absurdity  of  a  military  commis 
sion  to  establish  wills,  deeds,  successions,  or  to  settle 
any  of  the  thousand  questions  which  arise  between 
men,  for  the  solution  of  which  laws  and  courts  were 
established,  and  for  dealing  with  which  military  com 
missions  were  utterly  incapable. 

He  finally  showed  from  the  statistics  that  neither 
crime  nor  disloyal  offences  were  on  the  increase  under 
the  operation  of  "  Order  No.  40,"  but  that  the  contrary 
was  expressly  true. 

But  no  synopsis  can  do  justice  to  this  letter,  which 
is  riot  only  admirable  as  an  exposition  of  the  constitu 
tional  rights  of  citizens,  but  is  a  model  of  elegant  and 
forcible  composition.  The  mental  strength  of  the  writer 
is  shown  in  every  line.  Following  is  the  letter  in 
full :  - 

HEADQUARTERS  FIFTH  MILITARY  DISTRICT,  ) 
NEW  ORLEANS,  LA.,  March  9,  1868.      $ 

To  His  Excellency  E.  M.  PEASE,  Governor  of  Texas : 

SIR, — Your  communication  of  the  17th  January  last,  was 
received  in  due  course  of  mail  (the  27th  January),  but  not 
until  it  had  been  widely  circulated  by  the  newspaper  press. 
To  such  a  letter — written  and  published  for  manifest  pur 
poses — it  has  been  my  intention  to  reply  as  soon  as  leisure 
from  more  important  business  would  permit. 


288  LITE   AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

Your  statement  that  the  act  of  Congress  ' '  to  provide  for 
the  more  efficient  government  of  the  rebel  States"  declares 
that  whatever  government  existed  in  Texas  was  provisional ; 
that  peace  and  order  should  be  enforced ;  that  Texas  should 
be  part  of  the  Fifth  Military  District,  and  subject  to  mili 
tary  power ;  that  the  President  should  appoint  an  officer  to 
command  in  said  district,  and  detail  a  force  to  protect  the 
rights  of  person  and  property,  suppress  insurrection  and 
violence,  and  punish  offenders,  either  by  military  commission 
or  through  the  action  of  local  civil  tribunals,  as  in  his  judg 
ment  might  seem  best,  will  not  be  disputed.  One  need  only 
read  the  act  to  perceive  it  contain  such  provisions.  But  how 
all  this  is  supposed  to  have  made  it  my  duty  to  order  the 
military  commission  requested,  you  have  entirely  failed  to 
show.  The  power  to  do  a  thing,  if  shown,  and  the  propriety 
of  doing  it,  are  often  very  different  matters.  You  observe 
you  are  at  a  loss  to  understand  how  a  government,  without 
representation  in  Congress  or  a  militia  force,  and  subject  to 
military  power,  can  be  said  to  be  in  the  full  exercise  of  all 
its  proper  powers.  You  do  not  reflect  that  this  government, 
created  or  permitted  by  Congress  has  all  the  powers  which 
the  act  intends,  and  may  fully  exercise  them  accordingly.  If 
you  think  it  ought  to  have  more  powers,  should  be  allowed  to 
send  members  to  Congress,  wield  a  militia  force,  and  possess 
yet  other  powers,  your  complaint  is  not  to  be  preferred 
against  me,  but  against  Congress,  who  made  it  what  it  is. 

As  respects  the  issue  between  us,  any  question  as  to  what 
Congress  ought  to  have  done  has  no  pertinence.  You  admit 
the  act  of  Congress  authorizes  me  to  try  an  offender  by  mili 
tary  commission,  or  allow  the  local  civil  tribunals  to  try,  as  I 
shall  deem  best;  and  you  cannot  deny  the  act  expressly 
recognizes  such  local  civil  tribunals  as  legal  authorities  for 
the  purpose  specified.  When  you  contend  there  are  no  legal 
local  tribunals  for  any  purpose  in  Texas,  you  must  either 


WINFIELD   SCOTT   HANCOCK.  289 

deny  the  plain  reading  of  the  act  of  Congress  or  the  power 
of  Congress  to  pass  the  act. 

You  ne:xt  remark  that  you  dissent  from  my  declaration, 
"  that  the  country  (Texas)  is  in  a  state  of  profound  peace," 
and  proceed  to  state  the  grounds  of  your  dissent.  They 
appear  to  me  not  a  little  extraordinary.  I  quote  your  words  : 
'  •  It  is  true  there  no  longer  exists  here  (Texas)  any  organ 
ized  resistance  to  the  authority  of  the  United  States."  "But 
a  large  majority  of  the  white  population  who  participated  in 
the  late  rebellion  are  embittered  against  the  government,  and 
yield  to  it  an  unwilling  obedience."  Nevertheless,  you  con 
cede  they  do  yield  it  obedience.  You  proceed : 

u  None  of  this  class  have  any  affection  for  the  government, 
and  very  few  any  respect  for  it.  They  regard  the  legislation 
of  Congress  on  the  subject  of  reconstruction  as  unconstitu 
tional  and  hostile  to  their  interests,  and  consider  the  govern 
ment  now  existing  here  under  authority  of  the  United  States 
as  a  usurpation  on  their  rights.  They  look  on  the  emanci 
pation  of  their  late  slaves  and  the  disfranchiseuient  of  a 
portion  of  theh'  own  class  as  an  act  of  insult  and  oppression." 

And  this  is  all  you  have  to  present  for  proof  that  war  and 
not  peace  prevails  in  Texas  ;  and  hence  it  becomes  my  duty 
— so  you  suppose — to  set  aside  the  local  civil  tribunals,  and 
enforce  the  penal  code  against  citizens  by  means  of  military 
commissions. 

My  dear  sir,  I  am  not  a  lawyer,  nor  has  it  been  my  busi 
ness,  as  it  may  have  been  yours,  to  study  the  philosophy  of 
statecraft  and  politics.  But  I  may  lay  claim,  after  an  expe 
rience  of  more  than  half  a  lifetime,  to  some  poor  knowledge 
of  men,  and  some  appreciation  of  what  is  necessary  to  social 
order  arid  happiness.  And  for  the  future  of  our  common 
country,  I  could  devoutly  wish  that  no  great  number  of  our 
people  have  yet  fallen  in  with  the  views  you  appear  to  entertain. 
Woe  be  to  us  whenever  it  shall  come  to  pass  that  the  power 


290  LIFE    AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

of  the  magistrate — civil  or  military — is  permitted  to  deal 
with  the  mere  opinions  or  feelings  of  the  people. 

I  have  been  accustomed  to  believe  that  sentiments  of 
respect  or  disrespect,  and  feelings  of  affection,  love,  or 
hatred,  so  long  as  not  developed  into  acts  in  violation  of  law, 
were  matters  wholly  beyond  the  punitory  power  of  human 
tribunals. 

I  will  maintain  that  the  entire  freedom  of  thought  and 
speech,  however  acrimoniously  indulged,  is  consistent  with 
the  noblest  aspirations  of  man,  and  the  happiest  condition  of 
his  race. 

"When  a  boy,  I  remember  to  have  read  a  speech  of  Lord 
Chatham,  delivered  in  Parliament.  It  was  during  our  Revo 
lutionary  war,  and  related  to  the  policy  of  employing  sav 
ages  on  the  side  of  Britain.  You  may  be  more  familiar  with 
the  speech  than  I  am.  If  I  am  not  greatly  mistaken,  his 
lordship  denounced  the  British  Government — his  government 
— in  terms  of  unmeasured  bitterness.  He  characterized  its 
policy  as  revolting  to  every  sentiment  of  humanity  and 
religion  ;  proclaimed  it  covered  with  disgrace,  and  vented  his 
eternal  abhorrence  of  it  and  its  measures.  It  may,  I  think, 
be  safely  asserted  that  a  majority  of  the  British  nation  con 
curred  in  the  views  of  Lord  Chatham.  But  whoever  sup 
posed  that  profound  peace  was  not  existing  in  that  kingdom, 
or  that  government  had  any  authority  to  question  the  absolute 
right  of  the  opposition  to  express  their  objections  to  the  pro 
priety  of  the  king's  measures  in  any  words  or  to  any  extent  they 
pleased  ?  It  would  be  difficult  to  show  that  the  opponents  of 
the  government  in  the  days  of  the  elder  Adams,  or  Jefferson, 
or  Jackson,  exhibited  for  it  either  "  affection"  or  "  respect." 
Your  are  conversant  with  the  history  of  our  past  parties  and 
political  struggles  touching  legislation  on  alienage,  sedition, 
the  embargo,  national  banks,  our  wars  with  England  and 
Mexico,  and  cannot  be  ignorant  of  the  fact,  that  for  one 


WEtfFIELD    SCOTT   HANCOCK.  291 

party  to  assert  that  a  law  or  system  of  legislation  is  unconsti 
tutional,  oppressive,  and  usurpative,  is  not  a  new  thing  in  the 
United  States.  That  the  people  of  Texas  consider  acts  of 
Congress  unconstitutional,  oppressive,  or  insulting  to  them, 
is  of  no  consequence  to  the  matter  in  hand.  The  President 
of  the  United  States  has  announced  his  opinion  that  these 
acts  of  Congress  are  unconstitutional.  The  Supreme  Court, 
as  you  are  aware,  not  long  ago  decided  unanimously  that  a 
certain  military  commission  was  unconstitutional.  Our  peo 
ple  everywhere,  in  every  State,  without  reference  to  the  side 
they  took  during  the  Rebellion,  differ  as  to  the  constitution 
ality  of  these  acts  of  Congress.  How  the  matter  really  is, 
neither  you  nor  I  may  dogmatically  affirm. 

If  you  deem  them  constitutional  laws,  and  beneficial  to  the 
country,  you  not  only  have  the  right  to  publish  your  opinions, 
but  it  might  be  your  bounden  duty  as  a  citizen  to  do  so.  Not 
less  is  it  the  privilege  and  duty  of  any  and  every  citizen, 
wherever  residing,  to  publish  his  opinion  freely  and  fearlessly 
on  this  and  every  question  which  he  thinks  concerns  his 
interest.  This  is  merely  in  accordance  with  the  principles  of 
our  free  government ;  and  neither  you  nor  I  would  wish  to 
live  under  any  other.  It  is  time  now,  at  the  end  of  almost 
two  years  from  the  close  of  the  war,  we  should  begin  to  recol 
lect  what  manner  of  people  we  are ;  to  tolerate  again  free, 
popular  discussion,  and  extend  some  forbearance  and  con 
sideration  to  opposing  views.  The  maxims  that  in  all  intel 
lectual  contests  truth  is  mighty  and  must  prevail,  and  that 
error  is  harmless  when  reason  is  left  free  to  combat  it,  arc 
not  only  sound,  but  salutary.  It  is  a  poor  compliment  to  the 
merits  of  such  a  cause,  that  its  advocates  would  silence  oppo 
sition  by  force ;  and  generally  those  only  who  are  in  the 
wrong  will  resort  to  this  ungenerous  means.  I  am  confident 
you  will  not  commit  your  serious  judgment  to  the  proposition 
that  any  amount  of  discussion,  or  any  sort  of  opinions,  how- 


292  LIFE   AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES   OF 

ever  unwise  in  your  judgment,  or  any  assertion  of  feeling, 
however  resentful  or  bitter,  not  resulting  in  a  breach  of  law, 
can  furnish  justification  for  your  denial  that  profound  peace 
exists  in  Texas.  You  might  as  well  deny  that  profound  peace 
exists  in  New  York,  Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  California, 
Ohio  and  Kentucky,  where  a  majority  of  people  differ  with  a 
minority  on  these  questions  ;  or  that  profound  peace  exists  in 
the  House  of  Representatives  or  the  Senate  at  Washington, 
or  in  the  Supreme  Court,  where  all  these  questions  have  been 
repeatedly  discussed,  and  parties  respectfully  and  patiently 
heard.  You  next  complain  that  in  parts  of  the  State  (Texas) 
it  is  difficult  to  enforce  the  criminal  laws  ;  that  sheriffs  fail  to 
arrest ;  that  grand  jurors  will  not  always  indict ;  that  in  some 
cases  the  military,  acting  in  aid  of  the  civil  authorities,  have 
not  been  able  to  execute  the  process  of  the  courts  ;  that  petit 
jurors  have  acquitted  persons  adjudged  guilty  by  you ;  and 
that  other  persons  charged  with  offences  have  broke  jail  aud 
fled  from  prosecution.  I  know  not  how  these  things  are  ;  but 
admitting  your  representations  literally  true,  if  for  such 
reasons  I  should  set  aside  the  local  civil  tribunals  and  order  a 
military  commission,  there  is  no  place  in  the  United  States 
where  it  might  not  be  done  with  equal  propriety.  There  is  not  a 
State  in  the  Union — North  or  South — where  the  like  facts  are 
not  continually  happening.  Perfection  is  not  to  be  predicated 
of  man  or  his  works.  No  one  can  reasonably  expect  certain  and 
absolute  justice  in  human  transactions  ;  and  if  military  power  is 
to  be  set  in  motion,  on  the  principles  for  which  you  would 
seem  to  contend,  I  fear  that  a  civil  government,  regulated  by 
laws,  could  have  no  abiding  place  beneath  the  circuit  of  the 
sun.  It  is  rather  more  than  hinted  in  your  letter,  that  there 
is  no  local  State  government  in  Texas,  and  no  local  laws  out 
side  of  the  acts  of  Congress,  which  I  ought  to  respect ;  and 
that  I  should  undertake  to  protect  the  rights  of  persons  and 
property  in  my  own  way  and  in  an  arbitrary  manner.  If  such 


WINFIELD   SCOTT   HANCOCK.  293 

be  your  meaning,  I  am  compelled  to  differ  with  you.  After 
the  abolition  of  slavery  (an  event  which  I  hope  no  one  now 
regrets) ,  the  laws  of  Louisiana  and  Texas  existing  prior  to  the 
rebellion,  and  not  in  conflict  with  the  acts  of  Congress,  com 
prised  a  vast  system  of  jurisprudence,  both  civil  and  criminal. 
It  required  not  volumes  only,  but  libraries  to  contain  them. 
They  laid  down  principles  and  precedents  for  ascertaining 
the  rights  and  adjusting  the  controversies  of  men  in  every 
conceivable  case.  They  were  the  creations  of  great  and 
good  and  learned  men,  who  had  labored  in  their  day  for 
their  kind,  and  gone  down  to  the  grave  long  before  our  recent 
troubles,  leaving  their  works  an  inestimable  legacy  to  the 
human  race.  These  laws,  as  I  am  informed,  connected  the 
civilization  of  past  and  present  ages,  and  testified  of  the  jus 
tice,  wisdom,  humanity,  and  patriotism  of  more  than  one 
nation,  through  whose  records  they  descended  to  the  present 
people  of  these  States.  I  am  satisfied,  from  representations 
of  persons  competent  to  judge,  they  are  as  perfect  a  system 
of  laws  as  may  be  found  elsewhere,  and  better  suited  than 
any  other  to  the  condition  of  this  people,  for  by  them  they 
have  long  been  governed.  Why  should  it  be  supposed  that 
Congress  has  abolished  these  laws  ?  Why  should  any  one  wish 
to  abolish  them?  They  have  committed  no  treason,  nor  are 
hostile  to  the  United  States,  nor  countenance  crime,  nor  favor 
injustice.  On  them,  as  on  a  foundation  of  rock,  reposes 
almost  the  entire  superstructure  of  social  order  in  these  two 
States.  Annul  this  code  of  local  laws,  and  there  would  be 
no  longer  any  rights,  either  of  person  or  property,  here.  Abol 
ish  the  local  civil  tribunals  made  to  execute  them,  and  yon 
would  virtually  annul  the  laws,  except  in  reference  to  the  very 
few  cases  cognizable  in  the  Federal  courts.  Let  us  for  a  mo 
ment  suppose  the  whole  local  civil  code  annulled,  and  that  I 
am  left,  as  commander  of  the  Fifth  Military  District,  the  sole 
fountain  of  law  and  justice.  This  is  the  position  in  which 
you  would  place  me. 


294  LIFE   AtfD   PUBLIC   SERVICES   OF 

I  am  now  to  protect  all  rights  and  redress  all  wrongs. 
How  is  it  possible  for  me  to  do  it  ?  Innumerable  questions 
arise,  of  which  I  am  not  only  ignorant,  but  to  the  solution  of 
which  a  milita^  court  is  entirely  unfitted.  One  would  estab 
lish  a  will,  another  a  deed  ;  or  the  question  is  one  of  succes 
sion,  or  partnership,  or  descent,  or  trust ;  a  suit  of  ejectment 
or  claim  to  chattels  ;  or  the  application  may  relate  to  robbery, 
theft,  arson,  or  murder.  How  am  I  to  take  the  first  step  in 
any  such  matter  ?  If  I  turn  to  the  acts  of  Congress  I  find 
nothing  on  the  subject.  I  dare  not  open  the  authors  on  the 
local  code,  for  it  has  ceased  to  exist. 

And  you  tell  me  that  in  this  perplexing  condition  I  am  to 
furnish,  by  dint  of  my  own  hasty  and  crude  judgment,  the 
legislation  demanded  by  the  vast  and  manifold  interests  of 
the  people !  I  repeat,  sir,  that  you,  and  not  Congress,  are 
responsible  for  the  monstrous  suggestion  that  there  are  no 
local  laws  or  institutions  here  to  be  respected  by  me,  outside 
the  acts  of  Congress.  I  say  unhesitatingl}7,  if  it  were  pos 
sible  that  Congress  should  pass  an  act  abolishing  the  local 
codes. for  Louisiana  and  Texas — which  I  do  not  believe — and 
it  should  fall  to  my  lot  to  supply  their  places  with  something 
of  my  own,  I  do  not  see  how  I  could  do  better  than  follow 
the  laws  in  force  here  prior  to  the  Rebellion,  excepting  what 
ever  therein  shall  relate  to  slavery.  Power  may  destroy  the 
forms,  but  not  the  principles  of  justice ;  these  will  live  in 
spite  even  of  the  sword.  History  tells  us  that  the  Roman 
pandects  were  lost  for  a  long  period  among  the  rubbish  that 
war  and  revolution  had  heaped  upon  them  ;  but  at  length  were 
dug  out  of  the  ruins,  again  to  be  regarded  as  a  precious 
treasure. 

You  are  pleased  to  state  that  ' '  since  the  publication  of 
(my)  general  orders  No.  40,  there  has  been  a  perceptible 
increase  of  crime  and  manifestations  of  hostile  feeling  toward 
the  Government  and  its  supporters,"  and  add  that  it  is  "an 


WINFIELD    SCOTT   HANCOCK.  295 

unpleasant  duty  to  give  such  a  recital  of  the  condition  of  the 
country." 

You  will  permit  me  to  say  that  I  deem  it  impossible  the 
first  of  these  statements  can  be  true,  and  that  I  do  very 
greatly  doubt  the  correctness  of  the  second.  General  orders 
No.  40  was  issued  at  New  Orleans,  Nov.  29,  1867,  and  your 
letter  was  dated  Jan.  17,  1868.  Allowing  time  for  order  No. 
40  to  reach  Texas  and  become  generally  known,  some  addi 
tional  time  must  have  elapsed  before  its  effect  would  be  mani 
fested,  and  j'et  a  further  time  must  transpire  before  you  would 
be  able  to  collect  the  evidence  of  what  you  term  ' '  the  condi 
tion  of  the  countiy  ;"  and  }ret,  after  all  this,  you  would  have 
to  make  the  necessary  investigations  to  ascertain  if  order  No. 
40,  or  something  else,  was  the  cause.  The  time,  therefore, 
remaining  to  enable  you,  before  the  17th  of  January,  1868, 
to  reach  a  satisfactory  conclusion  on  so  delicate  and  nice  a 
question  must  have  been  very  short.  How  you  proceeded ; 
whether  you  investigated  yourself  or  through  third  persons  ; 
and  if  so,  who  they  were,  what  their  competency  and  fair 
ness  ;  on  what  evidence  you  rested  your  conclusion,  or  whether 
3rou  ascertained  any  facts  at  all,  are  points  upon  which  your 
letter  so  discreetly  omits  all  mention,  that  I  may  well  be  ex 
cused  for  not  reding  implicitly  upon  it ;  nor  is  my  difficulty 
diminished  by  the  fact  that  in  another  part  of  your  letter  you 
state  that  ever  since  the  close  of  the  war  a  very  large  portion 
of  the  people  have  had  no  affection  for  the  Government,  but 
bitterness  of  feeling  only.  Had  the  duty  of  publishing  and 
circulating  through  the  country,  long  before  it  reached  me, 
your  statement  that  the  action  of  the  district  commander  was 
increasing  crime  and  hostile  feeling  against  the  Government, 
been  less  painful  to  your  sensibilities,  it  might  possibly  have 
occurred  to  }*ou  to  furnish  something  on  the  subject  in  addi 
tion  to  3*our  bare  assertion. 

But  what  was  order  No.   40,  and  how  could  it  have  the 


296  LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

effect  you  attribute  to  it  ?  It  sets  forth  that  ' '  the  great  prin 
ciples  of  American  liberty  are  still  the  inheritance  of  this 
people  and  ever  should  be  ;  that  the  right  of  trial  by  jury,  the 
habeas  corpus,  the  liberty  of  the  press,  the  freedom  of  speech, 
and  the  natural  rights  of  persons  and  property  must  be  pre 
served."  Will  you  question  the  truth  of  these  declarations? 
"Which  one  of  these  great  principles  of  liberty  are  j'ou  ready 
to  deny  and  repudiate  ?  Whoever  does  so  avows  himself  the 
enemy  of  human  liberty  and  the  advocate  of  despotism. 
Was  there  any  intimation  in  general  orders  No.  40  that  any 
crimes  or  breaches  of  law  would  be  countenanced  ?  You 
know  that  there  was  not.  On  the  contrary,  you  know  per 
fectly  well  that  while  u  the  consideration  of  crime  and 
offences  committed  in  the  Fifth  Military  District  was  referred 
to  the  judgment  of  the  regular  civil  tribunals,"  a  pledge  was 
given  in  order  No.  40,  which  all  understood,  that  tribunals 
would  be  supported  in  their  lawful  jurisdiction,  and  that 
1 '  forcible  resistance  to  law  would  be  instantly  suppressed  by 
arms."  You  will  not  affirm  that  this  pledge  has  ever  been 
forfeited.  There  has  not  been  a  moment  since  I  have  been 
in  command  of  the  Fifth  District,  when  the  whole  military 
force  in  my  hands  has  not  been  ready  to  support  the  civil 
authorities  of  Texas  in  the  execution  of  the  laws.  And  I  am 
unwilling  to  believe  they  would  refuse  to  call  for  aid  if  they 
needed  it. 

There  are  some  considerations  which,  it  seems  to  me, 
should  cause  you  to  hesitate  before  indulging  in  wholesale 
censures  against  the  civil  authorities  of  Texas.  You  are 
yourself  the  chief  of  these  authorities  ;  not  elected  by  the  peo 
ple,  but  created  by  the  military.  Not  long  after  you  had  thus 
come  into  office,  all  the  judges  of  the  Supreme  Court  of 
Texas — five  in  number — were  removed  from  office,  and  new 
appointments  made  ;  twelve  of  the  seventeen  district  judges 
were  removed  and  others  appointed.  County  officers,  more 


WINFIELD    SCOTT   HANCOCK.  297 

or  less,  in  seventj'-five  out  of  one  hundred  and  twenty-eight 
counties,  were  removed,  and  others  appointed  in  their  places. 
It  is  fair  to  conclude  that  the  executive  and  judicial  civil 
functionaries  in  Texas  are  the  persons  whom  you  desired  to 
fill  the  offices.  It  is  proper  to  mention,  also,  that  none  but 
registered  citizens,  and  only  those  who  could  take  the  test 
oath,  have  been  allowed  to  serve  as  jurors  during  your  admin 
istration.  Now,  it  is  against  the  local  government,  created 
by  military  power  prior  to  my  coming  here,  and  so  composed 
of  your  personal  and  political  friends,  that  you  have  preferred 
the  most  grievous  complaints.  It  is  of  them  that  you  have 
asserted  they  will  not  do  their  duty  ;  they  will  not  maintain 
justice  ;  will  not  arrest  offenders ;  will  not  punish  crimes ; 
and  that  out  of  one  hundred  homicides  committed  in  the  last 
twelve  months,  not  over  ten  arrests  have  been  made  ;  and  by 
means  of  such  gross  disregard  of  duty,  you  declare  that 
neither  property  nor  life  is  safe  in  Texas. 

Certainly  you  could  have  said  nothing  more  to  the  discredit 
of  the  officials  who  are  now  in  office.  If  the  facts  be  as  you 
allege,  a  mystery  is  presented  for  which  I  can  imagine  no  ex 
planation.  Why  is  it  that  your  political  friends,  backed  up 
and  sustained  by  the  whole  military  of  the  United  States  in 
this  district,  should  be  unwilling  to  enforce  the  laws  against 
that  part  of  the  population  lately  in  rebellion,  and  whom  }TOU 
represent  as  the  offenders  ?  In  all  the  history  of  these  trou 
bles,  I  have  never  seen  or  heard  before  of  such  a  fact.  I  re 
peat,  if  the  fact  be  so,  it  is  a  profound  mystery,  utterly  sur 
passing  my  comprehension.  I  am  constrained  to  declare  that 
I  believe  }rou  are  in  very  great  error  as  to  facts.  On  careful 
examination  at  the  proper  source,  I  find  that,  at  the  date  of 
your  letter,  four  cases  only  of  homicides  had  been  reported  to 
these  headquarters  as  having  occurred  since  Nov.  29,  1867, 
the  date  of  order  40,  and  these  cases  were  ordered  to  be 
tried  or  investigated  as  soon  as  the  reports  were  received. 


298  LIFE   AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

However,  the  fact  of  one  hundred  homicides  may  still  be  cor 
rect,  as  stated  by  you.  The  Freedinen's  Bureau  in  Texas 
reported  one  hundred  and  sixty ;  how  many  of  these  were  by 
Indians  and  Mexicans,  and  how  the  remainder  were  classified, 
is  not  known,  nor  is  it  known  whether  these  data  are  ac 
curate. 

The  report  of  the  commanding  officer  of  the  District  of 
Texas  shows  that  since  I  assumed  command  no  applications 
have  been  made  to  him  b}T  you  for  the  arrest  of  criminals  in 
the  State  of  Texas. 

To  this  date  eighteen  cases  of  homicides  have  been  reported 
to  me  as  having  occurred  since  Nov.  29,  1867,  although 
special  instructions  had  been  given  to  report  such  cases  as 
they  occur.  Of  these,  five  were  committed  by  Indians,  one 
\)y  a  Mexican,  one  by  an  insane  man,  three  by  colored  men, 
two  of  women  by  then*  husbands,  and  of  the  remainder,  some 
by  parties  unknown  —  all  of  which  could  be  scarcely  attribut 
able  to  order  No.  40.  If  the  reports  received  since  the 
issuing  of  order  No.  40  are  correct,  they  exhibit  no  increase 
of  homicides  in  my  time,  if  you  are  correct  that  one  hundred 
had  occurred  in  the  past  twelve  months. 

That  there  has  not  been  a  perfect  administration  of  justice 
in  Texas  I  am  not  prepared  to  deny. 

That  there  has  been  no  such  wanton  disregard  of  duty  on 
the  part  of  officials  as  you  allege,  I  am  well  satisfied.  A 
very  little  while  ago  you  regarded  the  present  officials  in 
Texas  the  only  ones  who  could  be  safely  trusted  with  power. 
Now  you  pronounce  them  worthless,  and  would  cast  them 
aside. 

I  have  found  little  else  in  your  letter  but  indications  of 
temper,  lashed  into  excitement  by  causes  which  I  deem 
mostly  imaginary,  a  great  confidence  in  the  accuracy  of  your 
own  opinions,  and  an  intolerance  of  the  opinions  of  others, 
a  desire  to  punish  the  thoughts  and  feelings  of  those  who 


WINFIELD    SCOTT   HANCOCK.  299 

differ  from  you,  and  an  impatience  which  magnifies  the  short 
comings  of  officials  who  are  perhaps  as  earnest  and  conscien 
tious  in  the  discharge  of  their  duties  as  yourself,  and  a  most 
unsound  conclusion  that  while  any  persons  are  to  be  found 
wanting  in  affection  or  respect  for  government,  or  yielding  it 
obedience  from  motives  which  you  do  not  approve,  war,  and 
not  peace,  is  the  status,  and  all  such  persons  are  the  proper 
subjects  for  military  penal  jurisdiction. 

If  I  have  written  anything  to  disabuse  your  mind  of  so 
grave  an  error,  I  shall  be  gratified. 

I  am,  sir,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

W.  S.  HANCOCK, 
Major-General  Commanding. 

But  all  this  time  General  Hancock's  action  was  inter 
fering,  not  only  with  the  greedy  carpet-baggers,  who 
were  fattening  upon  the  Southern  States,  but  with  the 
schemes  of  the  Radical  majority  in  Congress.  A 
Presidential  election  was  approaching,  and  it  was  no 
part  of  their  plan  to  permit  the  South  to  acquire  such 
a  degree  of  rehabilitation  as  to  have  the  vote  of  its 
people  counted  in  determining  the  result.  To  elect 
their  candidate  and  retain  possession  of  Congress  it 
was  necessary  that  the  South  should  remain  under 
military  rule,  that  its  citizens  should  be  under  the 
ban  of  disfranchisement,  and  that  Federal  troops 
should  fence  in  the  polls. 

To  allow  Hancock's  plan  of  constitutional  and  legal 
government  to  be  carried  out,  would  bring  the  South 
peaceably  and  happily  back  into  the  Union  before  the 
ambition  of  these  politicians  could  be  realized.  Hence 
it  was  decreed  that  Hancock  must  go.  The  President 


300  LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

had  appointed  him  and  the  President  alone  could 
remove  him.  So  it  must  be  accomplished  by  indi 
rection.  The  first  plan  was  to  pass  a  bill  reducing 
the  number  of  major-generals  in  the  regular  army  — 
Hancock  having  received  that  rank  in  1866  —  and  turn 
him  out  in  that  way.  A  bill  was  introduced  to  this 
effect ;  but  the  prospect  of  a  tremendous  popular  reac 
tion  against  its  authors  terrified  them,  and  it  was 
dropped. 

A  quieter  scheme  was  then  concocted.  General 
Grant  was  by  this  time  thoroughly  imbued  with  the 
Presidential  ambition,  and  with  the  assurance  of  the 
Republican  nomination  he  readily  lent  himself  to  the 
plans  of  the  leaders  of  that  party.  The  first  step  was, 
by  act  of  Congress,  to  place  in  the  hands  of  the  Gen 
eral  of  the  army  unusual  powers,  exceeding  those  of 
the  President,  in  regard  to  the  administration  of  the 
military  governments  of  the  South.  The  next  was  for 
the  General  to  use  these  powers  in  interference  with 
General  Hancock's  direction  of  affairs  in  his  district  in 
such  a  manner  as  to  cripple  his  authority  and,  in  fact, 
place  him  in  a  humiliating  position. 

About  this  time  General  Hancock  wrote  to  a  friend 
in  Congress:  "I  hope  to  be  relieved  here  soon.  The 
President  is  no  longer  able  to  protect  me.  So  that  I 
may  expect  one  humiliation  after  another  until  I  am 
forced  to  resign.  I  am  prepared  for  any  event.  Noth 
ing  can  intimidate  me  from  doing  what  I  believe  to  be 
honest  and  right." 

General  Hancock  applied  to  be  relieved  from  his 
command  on  the  27th  of  February,  1868 ;  and  the 


WINFIELD    SCOTT    HANCOCK.  301 

South  was  given  over  to  the  bayonet,  to  plunder,  and 
to  strife.  But  the  record  of  that  six  months'  consti 
tutional  rule  in  the  midst  of  military  despotism  on 
every  hand  had  placed  Hancock's  name  high  on  the 
roll  of  Democratic  statesmen. 


302  LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Hancock's  Consistent  and  Patriotic  Democracy. —  His  California 
Speech  in  1861.— His  Acts  in  1868.— Intimacy  with  President 
Lincoln. —  The  Democratic  Convention  of  1868. —  Hancock  the 
Leading  Candidate. —  His  Letter  Endorsing  the  Nomination  of 
Seymour. —  The  Convention  of  1876. —  He  Again  Receives  a  Large 
Vote. —  Tributes  to  His  Character. 

IT  is  pleasing  to  note  with  what  consistent  patriotism 
General  Hancock  performed  his  duties  to  his  country. 
With  him  the  Democratic  sentiment  was  not  a  flickering 
flame,  blown  hither  and  thither  with  every  breath  of 
circumstance  or  interest.  It  was  a  steady  light,  illu 
mining  his  path  at  every  step,  and  making  it  impossible 
for  him  to  go  astray. 

In  every  situation  we  find  him  the  same  loyal,  deter 
mined  champion  of  the  rights  of  a  free  people  under  a 
free  government.  Thus,  when  he  was  captain  and 
quartermaster  at  Los  Angeles,  at  the  outbreak  of  the 
war,  before  the  news  of  actual  secession  had  reached 
that  "distant  point,  he  declared  himself  promptly  and 
unflinchingly  on  the  side  of  the  Union  ;  and  in  a  speech 
made  on  the  4th  of  July,  1861,  he  said  :  — 

"  Who  of  us  can  forget  the  names  of  Lexington,  of  Mon- 
mouth,  of  Brandy  wine  and  Yorktown,  and  who  can  regret 
that  he  is  a  descendant  of  those  who  fought  there  .for  the 
liberties  we  now  enjoy?  And  what  flag  is  it  that  we  now 
look  to  as  the  banner  that  carried  us  through  the  great  con 
test,  and  was  honored  by  the  gallant  deeds  of  its  defenders  ? 


WIKFIELD    SCOTT   HANCOCK.  303 

The  star-spangled  banner  of  America,  then  embracing  thirteen 
pale  stars,  representing  that  number  of  oppressed  colonies. 
Now,  thirty-four  bright  planets,  representing  that  number  of 
great  States.  To  be  sure,  clouds  intervene  between  us  and 
eleven  of  that  number,  but  we  will  trust  that  those  clouds 
may  soon  be  dispelled,  and  that  those  great  stars  in  the  south 
ern  constellation  may  shine  forth  again  with  even  greater 
splendor  than  before. 

"  Let  us  believe,  at  least  let  us  trust,  that  our  brothers 
there  do  not  wish  to  separate  themselves  permanently  from 
the  common  memories  which  have  so  long  bound  us  together, 
but  that  when  reason  returns  and  resumes  her  sway  they  will 
prefer  the  brighter  page  of  history  which  our  mutual  deeds 
have  inscribed  upon  the  tablets  of  time,  to  that  of  the  uncertain 
future  of  a  new  confederation,  which,  alas !  to  them  may 
prove  illusory  and  unsatisfactory. 

4 4  Let  them  return  to  us.  We  will  welcome  them  as  brothers 
who  have  been  estranged,  but  have  come  back.  We  have  an 
interest  in  the  battle-fields  of  the  Revolution  in  those  States, 
not  second  to  their  own.  Our  forefathers  fought  there  side 
by  side  with  theirs.  Can  they,  if  they  would,  throw  aside 
their  rights  to  the  memories  of  the  great  fields  on  our  soil  on 
which  their  ancestors  won  renown?  No,  they  cannot !  God 
forbid  that  they  should  desire  it.  To  those  who,  regardless 
of  these  sacred  memories,  insist  on  sundering  this  union  of 
States,  let  us  who  only  wish  our  birthrights  preserved  to  us, 
and  whose  desire  it  is  to  be  still  citizens  of  this  great  country 
that  gave  us  birth,  and  to  live  under  the  flag  which  has  gained 
for  us  the  glory  we  boast  of,  say  this  day,  to  those  among  us 
who  feel  aggrieved  :  Your  rights  we  will  respect ;  your  wrongs 
we  will  assist  you.  to  redress  ;  but  the  government  resulting 
from  the  union  of  these  States  is  a  priceless  heritag;e  that  we 
intend  to  preserve  and  defend  to  the  last  extremity." 


304  LIFE    AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

And  when,  seven  years  later,  after  he  had  proved  the 
sincerity  of  his  words  by  service  for  free  government  on 
the  bloodiest  fields  of  the  war,  he  was  called  to  respon 
sible  administrative  duties,  he  also  proved  his  belief 
in  a  government  of  and  by  the  people.  4  He  was  a 
Unionist  in  the  truest  and  best  sense  of  the  word, 
because  he  was  a  true  Democrat. 

So,  too,  during  his  service  in  Washington  at  the  be 
ginning  of  his  career,  Abraham  Lincoln  found  in  the 
young  Brigadier-General  of  volunteers  a  strong  and 
congenial  soul,  filled  with  the  sincerest  patriotism  and 
enthusiasm  for  the  Union.  He  was  frequently  sent 
for  by  the  President  for  consultation  and  for  an  inter 
change  of  views  ;  for  the  key-note  of  Lincoln's  policy 
was  the  same  idea  which  moved  General  Hancock  in  his 
course  during  and  after  the  Avar.  It  was  that  the  Union 
must  be  preserved ;  first,  by  putting  down  armed  re 
bellion  at  any  cost ;  secondly,  by  restoring  the  reign  of 
law  and  establishing  again  free  popular  government  in 
the  South.  Hancock  was  only  carrying  out  the  wise 
and  patriotic  policy  of  the  martyred  President  in  his 
administration  in  Louisiana  and  Texas  when  those  who 
had  opposed  Lincoln  turned  their  opposition  also  against 
the  general  who  had  been  Lincoln's  friend. 

It  was  such  absolute  confidence  in  General  Hancock's 
loyalty  to  the  ideas  on  which  our  constitutional  govern 
ment  is  based,  that  led  the  Democracy  of  the  country 
to  look  to  him  as  the  proper  leader  of  the  party  in  the 
Presidential  contest  of  1868.  He,  of  all  the  major- 
generals  in  the  army,  had  shown  a  strength  of  principle 
sufficiently  stalwart  to  maintain  the  rights  of  the  people 


WINFIELD   SCOTT   HANCOCK.  305 

against  the  encroachments  of  the  Radical  majority  in 
Congress.  He  alone  had  the  moral  courage  to  refuse 
the  gift  of  absolute  power  given  him  by  act  of  Congress, 
and  to  subordinate  the  military  arm  to  civil  authority. 
He  was,  in  fact,  the  foremost  representative  of  the  idea 
of  constitutional  government,  and  many  thought  that  to 
his  hands  should  be  entrusted  the  Democratic  banner 
in  the  election  which  was  then  approaching. 

The  convention  met  in  New  York  city,  July  4,  1868, 
Governor  Seymour  presiding.  The  organization  oc 
cupied  two  days,  and  upon  the  third  day,  July  7,  the 
States  were  first  called  for  the  presentation  of  candi 
dates.  When  Maine  was  reached  on  the  list,  Gen. 
Samuel  J.  Anderson  presented  the  name  of  General 
Hancock  in  the  following  speech  :  — 

I  am  directed  by  the  majority  of  the  delegates  from 
Maine  to  present  to  this  body  as  a  candidate,  a  gentleman 
who,  they  believe,  unites  in  himself  all  the  best  character 
istics  of  the  most  available  candidates,  and  who,  if  elected, 
would  be  able  to  discharge  acceptably,  and  as  well  as  any 
other  man  in  the  country,  the  duties  of  the  chief  executive 
office  of  the  United  States.  I  present  a  gentleman  who,  by 
his  position  during  the  past  year,  has  made  a  record  that 
stands  to-day  high  in  the  hearts  of  the  whole  American  peo 
ple  ;  a  gentleman  who,  appointed  to  a  Military  District  of  the 
United  States, — succeeding  one  who  in  that  position  had  sub 
ordinated  his  regard  for  the  laws  and  the  Constitution  of  the 
country,  and  his  respect  for  the  Chief  Magistrate  of  the 
United  States,  to  his  own  ambitious  longings  for  wealth  and 
power, — standing  there  as  the  representative  of  his  Govern 
ment,  interposed  the  shield  of  the  laws  of  the  country  be 
tween  the  tyranny  of  hard  and  petty  tyrants  and  an  op- 


306  LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES    OP 

pressed  and  outraged  people ;  a  man  who,  by  nature  gifted 
with  a  broad,  comprehensive,  and  discriminating  intellect, 
educated  in  a  school  which  taught  him  that  the  govern 
ment  was  instituted  to  afford  to  its  citizens  the  great  car 
dinal  rights  of  personal  liberty,  personal  security,  and  the 
right  to  acquire  and  enjoy  property,  stood  there  and  inter 
posed  between  the  operations  of  the  military  government 
and  the  people  who  had  been  outraged  and  oppressed,  the 
law  that  should  accord  to  them  those  rights ;  a  gentleman 
who,  on  another  field,  was  one  of  the  brave  men  in  command 
of  troops  in  the  late  contest,  and  united  within  himself  the 
attributes  of  lion-hearted  courage  and  great  magnanimity ; 
who  fought  well  for  the  nation  which  placed  him  in  command, 
but  held  forth  the  hand  of  mercy  to  the  enemy  when  brought 
beneath  his  arms ;  a  man  who,  ever  foremost  in  the  fight, 
held  the  plume  aloft,  which,  like  the  helmet  of  Navarre, 
was  always  the  oriflamme  under  which  his  troops  went  on 
either  to  honorable  death  or  glorious  victory.  With  these 
words  it  would  seem  almost  superfluous  to  give  the  name  ;  but 
I  will  nominate  Gen.  Winfield  Scott  Hancock. 

General  Hancock's  nomination  was  received  with 
great  cheers,  and  the  balloting  began.  On  the  first 
ballot  Pendleton  led  with  105  votes  (each  delegate 
casting  half  a  vote) ,  and  Hancock  stood  next  on  the 
list  with  33|.  It  was  a  long  and  weary  balloting, 
extending  into  the  following  day  with  the  relative 
position  of  the  leading  candidates  but  little  changed. 
On  the  fifteenth  ballot,  however,  the  chairman  of  the 
Pennsylvania  delegation  announced  that,  having  voted 
up  to  that  time  for  Hon.  Asa  Packer,  the  vote  of  the 
State  would  then  be  thrown  for  General  Hancock. 
From  that  point  onward  General  Hancock  stood  at  the 


WINFIELD    SCOTT    HANCOCK.  307 

head  of  the  poll,  on  the  eighteenth  ballot  receiving 
144^  votes,  or  nearly  a  majority. 

It  was  at  length  proved  to  the  satisfaction  of  all  the 
delegates  that  the  necessary  two-thirds  vote  could  not 
bo  secured  for  any  candidate  then  before  the  Conven 
tion,  and  on  the  twenty-second  ballot  ex-Governor 
Seymour  was  nominated. 

It  is  interesting  to  observe  that,  in  this  Convention, 
eleven  of  the  twelve  votes  of  Massachusetts  were 
steadily  cast  for  General  Hancock,  from  the  first  ballot 
to  the  end  of  the  contest ;  and  further,  that  the  Massa 
chusetts  delegation  was,  as  in  1880,  headed  by  Judge 
J.  G.  Abbott,  and  was  largely  composed  of  the  same 
men  who,  in  1880,  supported  him  in  the  Cincinnati 
Convention  for  a  successful  nomination. 

The  opposition  at  this  time  took  occasion  to  represent 
General  Hancock  as  disaffected  by  the  result  of  the 
Convention,  and  to  claim  that  he  would  not  cordially 
support  the  candidate  of  the  constitutional  party. 
Little  did  they  know  the  man.  Little  did  they  under 
stand  how  firm  was  the  foundation  of  principle  on 
which  he  based  his  conduct.  But,  in  consequence  of 
these  misrepresentations,  Mr.  Glover  addressed  him  a 
letter  of  inquiry,  as  follows  : — 

ST.  Louis,  July  13,  1868. 
MAJOR-GENERAL  HANCOCK  : 

DEAR  SIR, — I  deem  it  proper  to  direct  your  attention  to 
statements  made  b}'  the  Radical  press,  to  the  effect  that  you 
are  greatly  dissatisfied  with  the  results  of  the  National 
Democratic  Convention.  The  object  of  these  statements  is 
to  create  an  impression  that  you  do  not  acquiesce  in  the 


308  LIFE    AND    PUBLIC   SERVICES    OF 

judgment  of  the  Convention,  and  that  your  friends  do  not ; 
and  that,  in  consequence,  Seymour  and  Blair  will  not  have 
their  cordial  support.  I  wish  you  to  know,  General,  that  I 
have  taken  the  liberty  to  pronounce  these  statements  false, 
and  to  assure  those  who  have  spoken  with  me  on  the  subject, 
that  nothing  could  cause  you  more  regret  than  to  find  your 
friends,  or  any  of  them,  less  earnest  in  supporting  the  ticket 
which  has  been  nominated  than  they  would  have  been  had 
your  name  stood  in  the  place  of  Mr.  Seymour's. 
I  am,  sir,  sincerely,  your  friend, 

S.  T.  GLOVER. 

To  this  General  Hancock  replied  in  a  manly  letter 
which  shows  the  character  of  this  true  representative  of 
loyal  Democracy : — 

NEWPORT,  R.  I.,  July  17,  1868. 
S.  T.  GLOVER,  St.  Louis : 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  am  greatly  obliged  for  your  favor  of  the 
13th  inst.  Those  who  suppose  that  I  do  not  acquiesce  in  tho 
work  of  the  National  Democratic  Convention,  or  that  I  do 
not  sincerely  desire  the  election  of  its  nominees,  know  very 
little  of  my  character.  Believing  as  I  really  do,  that  the 
preservation  of  constitutional  government  eminently  depends 
on  the  success  of  the  Democratic  party  in  the  coming  elec 
tion,  were  I  to  hesitate  in  its  candid  support,  I  feel  I  should 
not  only  falsify  my  own  record,  but  commit  a  crime  against 
my  country.  I  never  aspired  to  the  Presidency  on  account 
of  myself.  I  never  sought  its  doubtful  honors  and  certain 
labors  and  responsibilities  merely  for  the  position.  My  own 
wish  was  to  promote,  if  I  could,  the  good  of  the  country, 
and  to  rebuke  the  spirit  of  revolution  which  had  invaded 
every  sacred  precinct  of  liberty.  When,  therefore,  you  pro 
nounced  the  statements  in  question  false,  you  did  exactly 


WINFIELD    SCOTT    HANCOCK.  309 

right.  Principles  and  not  men  is  the  motto  for  the  rugged 
crisis  in  which  we  are  now  struggling.  Had  I  been  made  the 
Presidential  nominee,  I  should  have  considered  it  a  tribute, 
not  to  me,  but  to  the  principles  which  I  had  proclaimed  and 
practised.  But  shall  I  cease  to  revere  those  principles  be 
cause,  by  mutual  political  friends,  another  has  been  appointed 
to  put  them  into  execution  ?  Never  !  Never !  Never  ! 

These,  sir,  are  my  sentiments,  whatever  interested  parties 
may  say  to  the  contrary  ;  and  I  desire  that  all  may  know  and 
understand  them.  I  shall  ever  hold  in  grateful  remembrance 
the  faithful  friends  who,  hailing  from  every  section  of  the 
Union,  preferred  me  by  their  votes  and  other  expressions  of 
confidence,  both  in  and  out  of  the  Convention,  and  shall  do 
them  all  the  justice  to  believe  that  they  were  governed  by 
patriotic  motives ;  that  they  did  not  propose  simply  to 
aggrandize  my  personal  fortunes,  but  to  save  their  country 
through  me  ;  and  that  they  will  not  suffer  anything  like 
personal  preferences  or  jealousies  to  stand  between  them 
and  their  manifest  duty. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  dear  sir,  very  respectfully  yours, 

WINFIELD  S.  HANCOCK. 

General  Hancock  had  spent  three  years  in  command 
of  the  Department  of  Dakota,  and  had  been  transferred 
back  to  the  Department  of  the  Atlantic,  when  his 
name  was  again  presented  for  the  consideration  of  the 
National  Democratic  Convention  as  a  candidate  for  the 
Presidency.  During  this  time  he  had  been  quietly 
performing  the  duties  of  his  office,  taking  no  part  in 
public  life ;  but  the  people  had  not  forgotten  him  01 
his  great  and  priceless  services  to  the  country. 

The  National  Democratic  Convention  of  1876  met 
at  St.  Louis,  June  27,  Gen.  John  A.  McClernand  of 


310  LIFE   AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES   OF 

Illinois  presiding.  On  the  afternoon  of  the  second 
day,  the  States  were  called  upon  to  name  candidates 
for  the  nomination  ;  and  this  time  it  was  his  own  State 
of  Pennsylvania  which  proposed  General  Hancock J 
The  presentation  was  made  by  Hon.  Heister  Clymer 
in  the  following  speech  :  — 

Mr.  President  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention:  I  am 
charged  by  the  delegation  from  the  State  of  Pennsylvania, 
representing  three  hundred  and  twenty-five  thousand  Demo 
crats,  to  present  in  their  name,  and  by  their  authority,  as 
their  unanimous  choice  for  the  highest  elective  office  on 
earth,  the  name  of  one  born  on  their  soil  and  dear  to  their 
hearts  ;  the  name  of  one  whose  character  is  the  embodiment 
of  all  that  is  chivalrous  in  manhood  and  excellent  in  morals  ; 
the  name  of  one  who  never  drew  his  sword  save  in  defence 
of  his  country's  honor,  or  in  obedience  to  her  laws  ;  the  name 
of  one  who,  in  the  hour  of  supreme  victory,  never  forgot  a 
common  brotherhood ;  the  name  of  one  who,  although  the 
very  exemplar  of  grim-visaged  war,  is  yet  the  sincerest  and 
lowliest  devotee  of  the  Constitution  and  the  law ;  the  name 
of  one  who,  in  the  plenitude  of  military  power,  when  dis 
honored,  dismembered,  and  dismantled  States  were  placed  in 
his  absolute  sway,  declared  that  the  liberty  of  the  press,  the 
habeas  corpus,  the  right  of  trial  by  jury,  the  right  of  persons 
and  of  property  must  be  maintained  ;  the  name  of  one  whose 
fame  and  reputation  are  true  to  every  American  citizen  of 
whatever  race  or  color,  party  or  creed — the  name  of  Winfield 
Scott  Hancock. 

We  present  it  to  you  as  the  very  shibboleth  of  victory. 
No  man  may  doubt  his  honor  ;  no  man  will  dare  to  question 
his  integrity.  About  him  closes  the  affection  of  tens  of 
thousands  of  men  who  sat  with  him  by  the  camp-fire,  who 
have  gone  with  him  through  the  shadow  of  death,  and  whom 


WINFIELD   SCOTT   HANCOCK.  311 

he  has  led  into  the  clear  sunlight  of  victory.  And  there  are 
other  tens  of  thousands  who  have  never  met  him,  save  as 
foemen  in  battle-array,  amid  the  roar  of  cannon  and  the 
blood  and  carnage  of  civil  strife,  who  yet  never  breathe  his 
name  save  in  honor,  and  to  whom  he  is  endeared  by  his 
kindness,  his  justice,  his  mercy,  and  by  his  devotion  to  the 
Constitution  and  the  law.  His  past  record  is  his  pledge  for 
the  future ;  we  point  to  it  with  pride  and  rely  upon  it  with 
unshaken  faith.  Standing  here  upon  the  banks  of  this  mighty 
river,  in  this  imperial  centre,  we  ask  the  brethren  from  all  the 
sections  of  the  Republic  to  unite  with  us  in  proclaiming  him 
our  nominee.  His  is  no  sectional  fame ;  his  will  be  no  sec 
tional  support,  and  his  will  be  no  partisan  victory.  Good 
men  everywhere,  men  who  are  devoted  to  the  Constitution 
and  the  law,  men  who  denounce  fraud  and  corruption,  men 
who  are  determined  to  give  to  the  people  of  all  the  States 
the  inestimable  boon  of  home  rule  and  self-government,  men 
who  are  determined  to  drive  out  from  high  places  the  thieves 
who  have  fattened  upon  the  ill-gotten  gains  wrenched  from 
citizen  and  soldier  alike,  men  who  are  opposed  to  the  infa 
mous  and  corrupt  military  systems  by  which  want,  misery, 
suffering,  and  almost  universal  bankruptcy  are  brought  upon 
this  land,  will  unite  with  us  upon  this  son  of  ours ;  and  if 
they  so  unite,  who  may  doubt  the  result? 

Mr.  Chairman,  once  in  his  career  —  history  will  record  it 
as  a  fact  —  he  saved  his  State,  and  through  her  the  union  of 
these  States,  at  Gettysburg.  If  you  nominate  him  in  this 
Convention,  history  will  record  another  fact,  that  he  will 
rescue  his  State  in  November  next,  and  thus  rescue  the 
Federal  Government  from  the  degradation  and  misrule  which 
now  curse  it. 

Gen.  Joseph  L.  Brent  then  appeared  on  the  rostrum 
and  addressed  the  Convention  as  follows :  — 


312  LIFE   AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

Mr.  President  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention :  I  would 
not  have  ventured  to  trouble  this  Convention  if  the  delega 
tion  of  the  great  State  of  Pennsylvania  had  not  expressed 
their  wish  that  something  should  be  said  in  behalf  of  and  in 
relation  to  their  favorite  son,  who,  in  the  State  of  Louisiana 
made  a  civil  record  while  he  was  exercising  powers  and  func 
tions  not  exceeded  by  any  governor  or  government  except 
that  of  the  Sultan  of  Turkey  or  the  Shah  of  Persia,  and 
which  government  he  exercised  in  the  same  spirit  that 
George  Washington,  the  father  of  his  country,  exhibited 
when,  the  war  of  the  Revolution  being  terminated,  he 
sheathed  his  sword  and  delivered  his  commission  to  the 
civil  authorities  of  the  country.  Therefore,  gentlemen, 
human  gratitude  would  be  but  an  expression  if  a  son  of 
Louisiana  should  hear  the  name  of  Winfield  Scott  Hancock 
mentioned.  We  in  Louisiana  and  in  the  South,  know  Gen 
eral  Hancock  as  the  great  Union  winner  in  war  and  in  peace. 
Along  the  fateful  heights  of  Gettysburg,  in  the  dark  thickets 
of  the  Wilderness,  we  knew  him,  standing  in  the  van  and 
fore-front  of  the  late  war,  as  the  champion  and  embodiment 
of  Columbia  victrix  et  bencvolens;  and  when  peace  came,  and 
over  this  broad  Republic  no  flag  was  seen  but  the  flag  of  our 
common  country,  we  recognize  him  again  as  the  representa 
tive  of  Columbia  victrix  et  benevolens,  declaring  to  ten  miUions 
of  his  feUow  citizens  that  there  still  remain  to  them  the  civil 
birth-right  and  inheritance  of  the  fathers  —  habeas  corpus, 
trial  by  jury,  protection  to  property  in  due  course  of  law. 
Therefore,  gentlemen,  he  has  won  us  to  the  Union  twice  — 
by  arms  and  in  peace  ;  and  I  cannot  but  think  that  the 
prosperity  and  safety  of  the  country  will  be  assured  by  him 
who  has  been  illustrious  in  war  and  wise  and  generous  in 
peace. 

Mr.  F.  B.  Sexton  of  Texas  then  arose  and  addressed 


WINFIELD    SCOTT   HANCOCK.  313 

the  Convention  in  further  support  of  the  nomination. 
He  said :  — 

Mr.  President  and  Gentlemen :  I  come  from  a  far-off  State 
of  this  Union,  and  on  the  extreme  south-western  border ; 
and  I  feel  it  my  duty  to  say,  and  it  is  my  pleasure  to  say, 
that  there  are  a  very  considerable  number  of  the  people  of 
that  State  who  entertain  the  opinion  that  Pennsylvania's  dis 
tinguished  son,  Gen.  Winfield  S.  Hancock,  is  a  pure  patriot 
and  a  distinguished  statesman,  endowed  by  nature  and  by 
cultivation  with  ability  and  intelligence  fully  equal  to  dis 
charge  the  high  and  responsible  duties  of  President  of  the 
United  States.  I  should  not  have  felt  it  my  duty  to  say  this 
much  had  I  not  been  invited  by  the  Pennsjivania  delegation, 
and  also  because,  while  a  very  large  majority  of  my  fellow- 
delegates  who  represent  the  State  of  Texas  entertain  the 
opinion  that  another  distinguished  gentleman  is  the  most 
available  candidate  whom  we  can  present  at  this  tune  for 
the  consideration  of  the  American  people,  there  are  a  con 
siderable  number  in  Texas  who  think  that  General  Hancock 
is  that  man.  It  is  just  and  right  to  them,  and  to  the  senti 
ment  which  I  represent  for  them,  that  this  should  be  made 
known,  and  for  the  discharge  of  this  duty  I  appear  before 
you. 

I  have  simply  to  say,  as  was  said  by  the  gentleman  from 
Louisiana,  that  the  ability  of  General  Hancock  as  a  states 
man  has  been  tried  in  Texas  by  the  severest  of  all  ordeals — 
the  ordeal  of  experience.  It  gives  me  pleasure  to  say  this 
much,  and  to  say  if  General  Hancock  should  be  nominated 
by  this  Convention  he  will  receive  a  most  enthusiastic  sup 
port.  I  know  I  speak  the  sentiment  of  Texas  when  I  say 
this — that  he  will  receive  a  most  enthusiastic  support  from 
the  whole  of  Texas. 

But,  like  my  colleague  who  addressed  you,  1  say  further, 


314  LITE    AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES    OP 

that  whoever  may  be  nominated  of  the  distinguished  gentle 
men  whose  names  have  been  presented  before  }TOU,  you  need 
have  no  doubt  about  the  majority  in  Texas.  We  have  ten 
thousand  Democratic  votes  to  give  to  the  nominee  of  this 
Convention,  and  we  only  ask  that  those  of  you  who  come  from 
the  older  and  the  greater  States  of  this  Union  will  present  us 
a  man  who  will  be  sure  to  win  us  success  in  November. 

But  it  was  not  to  be.  The  fulness  of  time  had  not 
come.  General  Hancock  received  seventy-five  votes 
on  the  first  ballot,  standing  third  on  the  list ;  and  on 
the  second  ballot  ex-Governor  Tilden  was  nominated. 
Pennsylvania  voted  for  Hancock  to  the  last ;  and  when 
the  result  was  known,  it  was  his  State  which  moved  to 
make  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Tilden  unanimous. 


WINFIELD   SCOTT   HANCOCK.  315 


CHAPTER  X. 

The  Cincinnati  Convention  of  1880.— Daniel  Dougherty  of  Philadel 
phia  nominates  General  Hancock. —  Speech  of  Governor  Hub- 
bard  of  Texas,  Seconding  the  Nomination. — The  First  Ballot. — 
Hancock  Nominated  on  the  Second  Ballot. —  Enthusiasm  in  the 
Convention. —  Speeches  of  Wade  Hampton,  Speaker  Randall,  Sen 
ator  Wallace,  Voorhees,  ami  others. 

THE  time  at  last  came  when  the  Democratic  party, 
the  constitutional  party  of  the  United  States,  was  to 
call  upon  this  soldier  of  the  Constitution  to  lead  the 
people  in  the  contest  for  popular  rule  throughout  the 
length  and  breadth  of  the  land.  The  passage  of  time 
had  rendered  only  more  brilliant  the  record  of  General 
Hancock  in  civil  as  well  as  military  affairs,  and  it  was 
seen  that,  in  solving  the  problems  of  administration 
pressing  upon  the  country,  his  strong  principle  and 
clear  patriotism  were  needed. 

The  National  Democratic  Convention  met  at  Cincin 
nati,  O.,  on  the  22d  of  June,  1880,  Hon.  John  W. 
Stevenson  of  Kentucky  presiding.  The  first  day  was 
occupied  in  organization,  and  on  the  second  day  the 
roll  of  the  States  was  called  for  candidates.  When 
Pennsylvania  was  reached,  the  chairman  of  that  delega 
tion  announced  that  the  State  had  no  candidate  to  pre 
sent  as  the  unanimous  choice  of  the  delegates,  but  that 
one  of  the  delegates  wished  to  make  a  nomination. 
Mr.  Daniel  Dougherty  then  proceeded  to  the  platform, 
and  spoke  as  follows  :  — 


316  LITE   AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

I  present  to  the  thoughtful  consideration  of  the  convention 
the  name  of  one  who,  on  the  field  of  battle,  was  styled  "  the 
superb,"  yet  won  still  nobler  renown  as  the  Military  Governor 
whose  first  act,  in  assuming  command  in  Louisiana  and 
Texas,  was  to  salute  the  Constitution  by  proclaiming,  amid 
the  joyous  greetings  of  an  oppressed  people,  that  the  military, 
save  in  actual  war,  shall  be  subservient  to  the  civil  power. 

The  plighted  word  of  the  soldier  was  proved  in  the  deeds 
of  the  statesman. 

I  name  one  who,  if  nominated,  will  suppress  every  faction, 
and  be  alike  acceptable  to  the  North  and  to  the  South. 
Whose  nomination  will  thrill  the  land  from  end  to  end,  crush 
the  embers  of  sectional  strife,  and  be  hailed  as  the  dawning 
of  the  longed-for  day  of  perpetual  brotherhood. 

With  him  we  can  fling  away  our  shields  and  wage  aggres 
sive  war.  With  him  as  our  chieftain  the  bloody  banner  of 
the  Republicans  will  fall  from  their  palsied  grasp.  We  can 
appeal  to  the  supreme  tribunal  of  the  American  people 
against  the  corruptions  of  the  Republican  party  and  its 
untold  violations  of  constitutional  liberty. 

Oh !  my  countrymen,  in  this  supreme  moment,  the  desti 
nies  of  the  Republic,  the  imperilled  liberties  of  the  peopl< 
hang  breathless  on  your  deliberations.  Pause !  reflect ! 
beware  !  take  no  misstep. 

I  nominate  him  who  can  carry  every  Southern  State.  Can 
carry  Pennsylvania,  Indiana,  Connecticut,  New  Jersey,  and 
New  York.  The  soldier-statesman,  with  a  record  stainless  as 
his  sword.  I  nominate  Winfield  Scott  Hancock  of  Pennsyl 
vania.  If  elected  he  will  take  his  seat. 


This  ringing  speech  was  received  with  great  applause, 
and  when  the  State  of  Texas  was  reached,  the  nomina 
tion  was  seconded  in  the  same  stirring  strain  by  Gov- 


WINFIELD    SCOTT   HANCOCK.  317 

ernor  Hubbard,  a  delegate  from  that  State.     Governor 
Hubbard  said :  — 

Gentlemen  of  the  Convention:  I  have  but  a  word  to  say. 
I  rise  by  request,  a  request  which  meets  the  impulses  of  my 
own  bosom,  to  second  the  nomination  of  the  soldier-states 
man,  Winfield  S.  Hancock.  Men  of  the  Convention,  it  is 
peculiarly  fit  that  Texas,  that  Louisiana,  should  respond  to 
that  nomination.  Hear  me  for  a  moment. 

When  the  war  closed ;  when  the  flag  that  some  of  us  fol 
lowed  was  furled  forever ;  when  again  the  Constitution  of  the 
fathers  was  the  supreme  law  of  the  land,  as  it  is  now  and 
ever  shall  be,  there  came  down  through  the  Southland, 
through  my  own  State,  and  Louisiana  especially,  a  race  of 
carpet-baggers,  like  the  Vandals  of  old,  preying  upon  our 
wasted  substance.  Military  governors  filled  the  bastiles  with 
prisoners  from  civil  life.  Men  who  had  committed  naught 
but  fancied  offences  against  the  government  were  crowded  in 
every  jail  and  in  every  bastile  from  the  Bio  Grande  to  the 
"  Father  of  Waters."  In  that  hour  when  we  had  lost  all; 
when  by  the  side  of  every  hearthstone  were  weeping  Rachels ; 
when  the  wolf  was  howling  at  almost  every  door ;  when  there 
was  widowhood  and  orphanage  everywhere,  there  came  a 
voice  in  that  darkness  of  the  night-time  that  said  to  us,  u  I  am 
your  military  ruler ;  the  war  has  closed ;  unbar  your  dun 
geons,  open  your  courts  and  be  tried  as  the  Constitution 
prescribes."  That  man  was  Winfield  S.  Hancock.  It  was  an 
easy  thing  to  be  a  summer  friend ;  but  at  the  time  of  our  sor 
row,  when  he  held  his  office  at  the  hands  of  the  great  Repub 
lican  party,  who  could,  and  did  remove  him,  there  stood  a 
man,  with  the  Constitution  before  him,  reading  it  as  the 
fathers  read  it ;  that  the  war  having  passed  we  resumed  the 
habiliments  that  belonged  to  us — our  rights,  not  as  a  con 
quered  province,  but  as  a  free  people.  The  voice  of  a  man 


318  LIFE    AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

like  Hancock,  who  risked  his  reputation  and  his  place  and 
power  in  the  very  frown  and  teeth  of  the  Republican  party, 
is  a  man  that  it  will  do  to  trust  the  standard  of  your  party  to. 

Sir,  he  is  not  only  a  soldier ;  that  is  something  in  the 
contest  that  is  to  be  waged,  as  the  gallant  Hampton  has  told 
you.  The  South  will  be  united,  whoever  you  may  nominate. 
But  failing  in  principle,  failing  upon  every  issue  of  finance  or 
of  reform  or  of  good  government,  to  attack  the  record  of  the 
Democratic  party ;  mark  it,  the  slogan  will  be  ' 4  The  bloody 
South ;  the  old  haven  of  rebellion  still  lives."  You  will  hear 
it  from  the  mountains  and  your  highlands ;  you  will  hear  it 
all  along  the  lines.  If  3^011  nominate  Hancock,  if  you  nom 
inate  Hancock,  where  is  the  argument?  We  can  say  every 
where,  here  is  a  soldier  second  not  even  to  the  silent  man  on 
horseback.  Here  is  a  soldier  that  bore  down  even  upon  us 
like  the  brigade  at  Balaclava,  like  a  plumed  knight  to  the 
front ;  here  is  a  man  whom  one  hundred  thousand  Northern 
soldiers,  if  they  are  like  Southern  soldiers,  will  rally  around 
his  standard,  because  he  was  a  great  soldier,  and  a  good  man 
and  a  faithful  citizen  when  the  war  was  over. 

General  Hancock  is  not  wanting  in  all  the  eloquence  of 
the  statesman.  Read  his  letter  to  Governor  Pease.  It  is 
worthy  of  being  placed  upon  the  proudest  pages  of  American 
history.  In  the  letter  he  discussed  and  asserted  the  superi 
ority  and  supremacy  of  the  civil  power  over  the  sword  and 
spear.  I  have  nothing  more  to  say  except  this,  that  if  you 
nominate  him,  not  only  the  South  will  stand  around  him 
ag  the  Old  Guard  did  around  Napoleon,  but  I  believe  the 
soldiers  of  the  great  North,  the  men  who  honestly  fought  us 
in  that  greatest  of  human  conflicts.  And  with  that,  a  record 
that  is  without  stain  and  without  reproach ;  with  no  Credit 
Mobilier  scandal  or  DeGolyer  frauds  around  him.  With  a 
stainless  name,  blending  together  the  soldier  and  the  states 
man,  we  will  win  after  a  quarter  of  a  century.  We  will  win 


WINFIELD   SCOTT   HANCOCK.  319 

the  contest,  and  when  won,  if  there  is  a  man  living  in  the 
broad  confines  of  this  great  county  who  will  wear  these 
honors,  it  is  Winfield  S.  Hancock  of  Pennsylvania. 

Then  followed  other  endorsments  as  the  roll-call  of 
the  States  proceeded ;  among  them  Hon.  John  W. 
Daniel  said  :  — 

We  are   here   to-day  embarrassed  by  the  very  brilliancy 
and  variety  of  the  names  which  have  challenged  public  favor 
for  the  first  office  in  the  people's  gift.     Jurists  who  have  worn 
untarnished  ermine  ;  statesmen  who  have  moulded  the  policy, 
shaped  the  measures,  and  fought  the  battles  of  the  party ; 
[soldiers  who  have  enriched  our  history  with  feats  of  arms, 
lind  who  are  battle-scarred  with  wounds  of  honor ;    orators, 
[scholars,  thinkers,  actors  in  every  leading   enterprise   of  a 
practical  nature  or  intellectual  endeavor,  stand  in  glittering 
Lrray  around  us,  worthy  to  be  crowned  with  any  honor  or  to 
IDC  the  recipient  of  any  trust  that  this  great  public  can  bestow. 
|?he  question  which  I  have  asked  myself ;  the  question  which, 
;  seems  to  me,  should  be  the  index-finger  to  guide  our  work 
3  a  wise  conclusion,  is  this  :   Who  is  that  man  among  them 
rho  can  interlace  together  the  heart-strings  of  this  American 
[eople  ?    Who  is  that  man  who  can  make  to  permeate  through 
|vrery  portion   of  this  mighty  country  those  sentiments  of 
.utual  confidence  and  of  brotherly  love  which  once  abided 
Inong  us  before  the  schism  of  the  secession  war?     When 
have  asked  the  question,  the  heart  of  every  man  gives  me 
[iswer  that  that  man  is  Winfield  Scott  Hancock  of  Pcnnsyl- 
inia.     Did  I  say  of  Pennsylvania  ?  Winfield  Scott  Hancock 
the  United  States  ;  of  every  State  by  his  good  right  hand 
initecl.     They  tell  us,  gentlemen,  that  this  country  is  tired 
the  rule  of  the  camp  and  of  the  sword.     They  tell  us  that 
b  people  are  weary  of  martial  habits  and  of  martial  measures. 


320  LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

I  acknowledge  that  fact ;  but  all  the  more  will  they  welcome 
with  gladsome  greetings  the  man  who  first  abolishes  them. 

Who  is  he,  indeed?  He  is  the  man  who  abolished  the 
rule  of  the  camp  in  civil  places. 

All  the  more  ready  are  we,  therefore,  to  receive  into  our 
hearts  him  who  was  the  first  to  salute  with  his  stainless  sword 
the  majesty  of  the  civil  law ;  who  was  the  first  to  bow  with 
knightly  crest  at  the  bar  of  civil  justice  ;  who  was  the  first  of 
all  whose  voice  was  heard  crying  aloud  in  the  wilderness  of 
despotism,  ''Make  the  way  straight  for  the  reign  of  peace  and 
for  the  sovereignty  of  the  people.'' 

Bethink  you  not,  my  friends,  that  the  American  people 
are  so  indiscriminating  as  to  apprehend  the  embryo  of  a 
Brutus  or  the  embryo  of  a  Caesar  in  the  man  who  was  the 
Brutus  of  unhallowed  arbitrary  power. 

Those  words  came  to  this  country  like  a  sunburst  upon  a 
wintry  day.  They  were  like  the  springing  up  of  a  fountain 
in  a  desert.  They  were  like  the  shadow  of  a  great  rock  in  a 
weary  land.  And  long  after  this  great  Convention  has  passed 
away  from  earth,  the  millions  who  are  to  come  after  us  will 
be  singing  upon  their  tongues  those  words  which  belong  to 
Runnymede  and  the  Magna  Charta.  The  great  principles  of 
American  liberty  are  still  the  lawful  inheritance  of  this  people. 
The  trial  by  jury,  the  habeas  corpus,  the  freedom  of  speech, 
the  liberty  of  the  press,  the  natural  rights  of  persons  and  the 
rights  of  property  must  be  preserved. 

They  tell  us  that  we,  the  American  people,  do  not  want 
a  soldier.  The  greatest  and  best,  the  magistrate  without  a 
peer,  was  who?  George  Washington,  the  soldier.  George 
Washington  whose  life  had  been  spent  in  the  saddle,  and 
whose  history  is  musical  with  the  clinking  of  the  spur. 
Madison  and  Monroe  were  soldiers.  Jackson  and  Harrison 
and  Taylor  were  soldiers.  Buchanan  and  Lincoln  had  both 
borne  arms  for  the  Republic.  All  adown  the  line  of  your 


WINFIELD    SCOTT   HANCOCK.  321 

Presidents  for  one  hundred  years  are  the  sparkling  names  of 
American  soldiers. 

And  why  shall  we  not  now  follow  the  footsteps  of  our 
fathers  and  present  the  greatest  office  which  this  Republic  can 
bestow  to  that  great  Democratic  soldier  who  shed  his  blood 
for  his  people,  yet  who  proved  as  generous  to  the  conquered 
as  he  was  loyal  to  the  conquering  banner. 

Just  one  word  more.  The  nomination  of  General  Han 
cock  means  instantaneous  and  continuous  aggression.  It 
will  sound  to  America  like  a  general  order  from  the  council 
of  war :  "  We  move  on  the  enemy's  works  to-morrow."  The 
signal  sounds  the  advance.  The  bugles  ring  boots  and  sad 
dles,  the  standard  to  the  front  with  the  nomination  of  Han 
cock,  and  you  will  hear  the  tread  of  the  moving  legions.  I 
am  reminded  here  that  the  first  man  yesterday,  whose  very 
presence  in  this  Convention  touched  the  heart  and  brought 
forth  spontaneously  its  applause,  was  the  soldier-statesman  of 
South  Carolina  Nominate  Winfield  Scott  Hancock,  and  let 
the  last  cheer  of  this  Convention  go  up  for  the  Union  soldiers 
who  have  shown  themselves  so  generous  in  welcoming  us. 
Then,  my  friends,  in  this  canvass,  you  will  hear  the  hearty 
hurrah  of  the  boys  who  wore  the  blue,  mingling  with  the 
wild  music  of  the  rebel  cheer  in  one  grand  national  anthem. 
Then,  my  friends,  the  divided  tribes,  who,  like  the  Romans 
of  old,  have  come  down  from  the  mountain  of  secession,  will 
roll  in  one  mighty  and  undivided  stream  for  the  regeneration 
of  this  nation. 

Then  the  Convention,  having  refused  to  adjourn,  de 
manded  a  ballot;  and  the  result  showed  Hancock's 
name  at  the  head  of  the  list.  He  received  171  votes. 
The  other  candidates  were  Senator  Bayard,  who  re 
ceived  153^ ;  Senator  Thunnan,  68^  ;  Judge  Field,  65  ; 
Morrison,  62  ;  Hendricks,  49^ ;  Tilden,  38  ;  Ewing,  10. 


322  LIFE   AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

Then  the  Convention  adjourned.  When  it  met  in 
the  third  day's  session,  Thursday,  June  24,  Mr.  Til- 
den's  name  was  withdrawn  by  the  New  York  delegation, 
and  a  ballot  was  at  once  taken.  When  the  clerk  had 
reached  Illinois  in  the  call  for  States,  the  tide  of  ballot 
ing  was  seen  to  set  strongly  toward  Hancock,  and  from 
that  moment  to  the  close  there  were  no  votes  but  for 
the  favorite. 

The  nomination  was  made  unanimous  amid  a  scene 
of  enthusiasm  such  as  the  oldest  veterans  of  Democratic 
conventions  had  never  seen.  Then  came  the  speeches 
of  ratification  and  congratulation.  The  factions  of  the 
New  York  Democracy  publically  proclaimed  their  rec 
onciliation,  and  on  all  sides  there  were  eager  voices  en 
dorsing  the  candidacy  of  the  hero-statesman.  Senator 
Wade  Hampton  said  :  — 

On  behalf  of  the  "Solid  South"— that  South  which  once 
was  arrayed  against  the  great  soldier  of  Pennsylvania — in 
their  name  I  stand  here  to  pledge  you  its  solid  vote. 

We  will  prove  no  laggards  in  this  great  race  for  constitu 
tional  government,  for  home  rule,  and  for  freedom  all  over 
this  great  land.  There  is  no  name  which  is  held  in  higher 
respect  among  the  people  of  the  South  than  that  of  the  man 
whom  you  have  given  us  as  our  standard-bearer. 

We  have  met  him  on  the  field  of  battle.  We  knew  then  that 
he  was  a  brave,  a  gallant,  an  able  soldier, — one  who  always 
conducted  war  upon  civilized  principles ;  and  when  the  war 
ended,  he  was  among  the  first  to  extend  his  kindly  hand  to 
aid  the  people  who  had  been  fighting  against  him.  We  recog 
nize  that,  and  recognizing  it,  we  will  give  him  a  cordial,  a 
hearty,  and  an  earnest  support.  And  in  the  name  of  South 
Carolina — that  State  which  has  so  lately  emerged  and  come 


WENFIELD    SCOTT   HANCOCK.  323 

into  the  sisterhood  of  States — that  State  which  was  so  over 
whelmingly  Republican  that  we  scarcely  dared  to  count  the 
Democratic  vote, — in  behalf  of  that  State  I  here  pledge  my 
self,  if  work,  if  zeal,  if  energy  can  do  anything,  I  pledge  the 
people  of  South  Carolina  to  give  as  large  a  Democratic  vote 
as  any  other  State  in  this  Union. 

Congressman  Eandall,  who  had  himself  been  named 
as  a  candidate,  said  : — 

I  am  here  to  second  the  nomination  of  Pennsylvania's  son, 
General  Hancock.  Your  deliberations  have  been  marked 
with  the  utmost  harmony,  and  your  act  is  an  impress  of  the 
heart  of  the  American  Democrat  in  every  State  in  the  Union. 
Not  only  is  your  nomination  strong,  but  it  is  one  that  will 
bring  us  victory,  and  we  will  add  another  State  to  the  Dem 
ocratic  column,  the  great  Commonwealth  of  Pennsylvania, 
the  keystone  of  the  Federal  arch.  Not  only  is  this  accept 
able  to  every  Democrat  in  the  United  States,  but  it  is  a 
nomination  which  will  command  the  respect  of  the  entire 
American  people. 

Senator  Wallace  of  Pennsylvania  said : — 

History  repeats  itself.  In  this  great  city  of  Cincinnati  the 
Democrats  of  the  nation  named  their  last  President;  and 
to-day  they  name  the  next.  History  repeats  itself.  In  those 
days  they  named  a  son  of  Pennsylvania,  and  to-day  again 
they  inscribe  upon  the  banners  of  the  Democracy  the  name 
of  the  gallant  son  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Pennsylvania. 
He  will  lead  us  to  victory.  His  name  is  invincible.  The 
word  rings  out:  "Advance  the  column!  Move  on  the 
enemy's  works !  Let  there  be  no  defence,  but  aggression ! 
aggression  ! !  aggression ! ! !  and  victory  is  ours." 


324  LIFE    AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES    OF 

Senator  Voorhees  said  : — 

The  spectacle  of  a  military  man  subordinating  the  military 
power  to  the  civil  authorities,  is  one  of  the  most  pleasant 
spectacles  of  history.  This  General  Hancock  has  won  upon 
the  heart  of  his  country.  Washington  was  a  soldier,  but  his 
greatest  achievement  was  when  he  said  that  the  laws  of  his 
country  were  above  the  sword  and  above  military  power. 
Hancock  won  renown  upon  many  battle-fields,  shed  his  blood 
upon  many  battle-fields,  rode  down  the  line  as  proud  a  figure 
in  military  history  as  Marshal  Ney  or  any  other  Marshal  that 
ever  commanded  men.  But  his  proudest  act  was,  when 
placed  in  command  of  what  was  thought  by  our  radical 
opponents,  crushed,  broken  and  ruined  States,  he  had  the 
sagacit}7,  he  had  the  patriotism,  to  lift  up  the  down- trodden 
civil  authorities,  to  say,  "  Soldier  that  I  am,  the  laws  that 
protect  freedom  of  speech,  trial  by  jury,  habeas  corpus,  shall 
be  upheld  by  me  by  the  sword  that  is  in  my  hand."  He 
spoke  for  civil  liberty  when  it  was  overthrown  throughout 
one-half  of  this  country ;  in  that  act  he  made  a  second 
Declaration  of  Independence  for  the  Southern  States.  He 
made  a  second  declaration  of  constitutional  liberty,  and  set 
an  example  for  his  own  and  for  our  future  generations  of 
obedience  to  that  great  framework  devised  by  our  fathers, 
protected  and  enjoyed  by  us.  He  is  worthy  of  your  con 
fidence. 

Thus  was  WINFIELD  SCOTT  HANCOCK  placed  in  nom 
ination  for  the  highest  office  in  the  gift  of  the  American 
people  ;  and  the  platform  of  principles  with  which  the 
Convention  accompanied  his  nomination  could  set  forth 
none  more  glorious  than  those  great  ideas  of  free 
popular  government  which  his  career  so  brilliantly 
illustrates.  An  honorable  and  upright  life,  filled  with 


WINFIELD    SCOTT    HANCOCK.  325 

earnest  and  patriotic  endeavor,  was  crowned  with  the 
highest  honor  in  the  gift  of  the  great  party  of  the 
people. 

On  the  13th  of  July,  the  committee  appointed  by 
the  Democratic  Convention,  headed  by  Governor  Stev 
enson,  the  chairman,  waited  upon  General  Hancock,  at 
his  pleasant  and  breezy  home  on  Governor's  Island, 
New  York  harbor,  and  formally  tendered  him  the  nomi 
nation.  In  the  letter  conveying  the  official  nomination, 
Governor  Stevenson  said  :  "  That  which  chiefly  inspired 
your  nomination  was  the  fact  that  you  had  conspicu 
ously  recognized  and  exemplified  the  yearning  of  the 
American  people  for  reconciliation  and  brotherhood 
under  the  shield  of  the  Constitution,  with  all  its  zeal 
ous  care  and  guarantees  for  the  rights  of  persons  and 
States." 

It  is  in  this  attitude  and  this  character  that  General 
Hancock  stands  before  the  American  people,  —  the 
soldier,  patriot,  and  statesman  whom  all  honor  and  all 
trust. 


SKETCH 

OF   THE 

iLIFE  AND   PUBLIC  CAREER 

OF 

WILLIAM  H.  ENGLISH, 

OF  INDIANA. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Parentage  of  William  H.  English. —  Sound  Democratic  Stock. —  His 
Boyhood  Days. —  Education  and  Admission  to  the  Bar. — Admitted 
to  Practice  in  the  United  States  Supreme  Court  at  the  Age  of 
Twenty-three. —  He  enters  Politics  in  the  Polk  Campaign. —  Clerk 
ship  at  Washington. —  The  Constitutional  Convention. —  Elected 
to  the  Legislature. —  Nominated  as  Speaker  of  the  House. —  His 
Election  to  that  Office. 

IN  the  little  village  of  Lexington,  Scott  County,  Ind., 
on  the  27th  of  August,  1822,  was  born  William  H. 
English.  The  father  of  this  child,  Maj.  Elisha  Gr.  Eng 
lish,  emigrated  from  Kentucky  to  Lexington  in  1818, 
and  was  one  in  whom  all  who  knew  him  reposed  the 
highest  confidence.  As  one  of  the  pioneers  of  the 
State,  he  was  called  upon  to  aid  in  its  government,  as 
sheriff  several  times,  and  during  twenty  years  a  member 
of  the  Indiana  House  of  Representatives  or  Senate,  and 
for  some  time  the  United  States  marshal  for  Indiana. 

Maj.  Elisha  G.  English  died  at  his  son's  residence  in 
Indianapolis,  Nov.  14,  1874,  and  is  buried  in  Crown 
Hill  Cemetery. 

Mahala  English,  the  mother  of  William  H.  English, 
is  also  a  native  of  Kentucky,  and  is  now  residing  with 
her  son  in  Indianapolis,  having  attained  the  age  of 
eighty-two  years. 

The  paternal  grandfather  of  William  H.  English  was 
Elisha  English,  born  March  2,  1768,  near  Laurel,  Sus- 


3o2  LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    CAREER   OF 

chosen  principal  clerk  of  the  House  of  Representatives 
of  his  own  State,  over  several  competitors  who  were 
politically  very  strong. 

James  D.  Williams,  now  the  venerable  and  respected 
governor  of  Indiana,  was  then,  for  the  first  time,  a 
member  of  the  House,  and  he  has  several  times  made 
public  mention  of  the  fact  that  Mr.  English  then  per 
formed  the  same  duties,  and  most  satisfactorily,  too, 
with  the  aid  of  one  assistant,  that  in  these  later  years 
over  half  a  dozen  are  paid  to  perform. 

It  was  soon  after  the  close  of  this  session  of  the 
Legislature  that  the  presidential  canvass  was  opened, 
wherein  the  Whigs  were  led  by  Henry  Clay,  and  the 
Democrats  took  up  the  then  almost  unknown  James  K. 
Polk.  To  the  election  of  the  latter  gentleman,  Mr. 
English  contributed  largely  by  his  energy  and  brilliant 
work ;  and  after  the  election  he  was  given  a  position  in 
the  Treasury  Department  at  Washington.  Inasmuch 
as  he  was  not  the  man  to  disguise  his  principles,  or  to 
make  an  effort  to  keep  a  place  under  an  administration 
in  which  he  was  not  in  full  sympathy,  and  as  he 
voted  for  the  nomination  of  Cass  in  the  next  National 
Convention,  and  strenuously  opposed  the  election  of 
General  Taylor,  he  sent  a  letter  of  resignation  to  Mr. 
Polk,  which  was  extensively  copied  by  the  Democratic 
press,  together  with  comments  approving  the  independ 
ent  spirit  of  its  author. 

In  the  National  Convention  of  1848,  Mr.  English's 
father,  Elisha  G.  English,  and  his  uncle,  Revel  W. 
English,  were  vice-presidents,  and  two  other  uncles 
delegates.  It  was  in  this  convention  that  he  first  met 


WILLIAM    H.    ENGLISH.  333 

Samuel  J.  Tilden,  who  was  then  a  delegate  from  the 
State  of  New  York.  It  may  also  be  mentioned,  as 
showing  the  foundation-stone  of  Mr.  English's  political 
faith,  that  four  of  the  English  brothers  were  members 
of  the  Legislature  in  four  different  States,  and  all  of  the 
Democratic  persuasion. 

Thus  it  will  be  seen  that  Mr.  English  is  a  Democrat 
by  the  sober  judgment  of  his  maturer  manhood,  as  well 
as  by  the  inheritance  and  traditions  of  his  family ;  and 
it  may  be  said  that  the  commanding  positions  he  has 
held,  his  large  experience,  and  his  knowledge  of  men 
and  measures,  all  combine  to  strengthen  his  convictions 
that  the  principles  of  the  Democratic  party  must  pre 
vail  if  we  are  to  have  a  united  and  prosperous  country. 
His  own  idea  of  what  these  principles  are  will  be  best 
understood  by  the  following  vigorous  and  forcible 
words,  uttered  by  him  in  a  lately  published  interview  : 

"  I  am  for  honest}^  in  money  as  in  politics  and  morals,  and 
think  the  great  material  and  business  interests  of  this  country 
should  be  placed  upon  the  most  solid  basis,  and  as  far  as  pos 
sible  from  the  blighting  influence  of  demagogues.  At  the  same 
time  I  am  opposed  to  class  legislation,  and  in  favor  of  pro 
tecting  and  fostering  the  interests  of  the  laboring  and  pro 
ducing  classes  in  every  legitimate  way  possible.  A  pure, 
economical,  constitutional  government,  that  will  protect  the 
liberty  of  the  people  and  the  property  of  the  people,  without 
destroying  the  rights  of  the  States  or  aggrandizing  its  own 
powers  beyond  the  limits  of  the  Constitution,  is  the  kind  of 
government  contemplated  ~by  the  fathers  ;  and  by  that  I  think 
tlrj  Democracy  propose  to  stand." 

In  the  United  States  Senate,  during  the  memorable 


334  LIFE    AND   PUBLIC    CAREER   OF 

session  of  the  compromise  of  1850,  when  Calhoun  and 
Cass,  Clay  and  Webster,  and  other  great  statesmen  of 
the  day  vied  with  each  other  in  those  able  forensic 
efforts  which  obtained  so  much  celebrity,  and  led  to 
the  results  so  gratifying  to  every  American  patriot, 
Mr.  English  was  a  clerk  of  the  Claims  Committee.  It 

o 

was  the  pure  patriotism  of  such  men  as  were  in  the 
Senate  at  that  time,  the  grandeur  of  their  eloquence, 
and  the  far-reaching  benefits  of  the  measures  proposed 
and  advocated,  that  left  such  a  fadeless  impression  on 
Mr.  English's  mind  as  inspired  his  ambition,  broadened 
his  views,  and  contributed  largely  in  giving  him  influ 
ence  in  the  councils  of  the  nation  when  he  became  a 
member  of  the  National  Legislature. 

At  the  close  of  this  extraordinary  session  he  resigned 
his  position,  and  returned  to  his  home  ;  but  only  to  be 
called  to  more  labor  in  the  interest  of  his  country. 

The  people  of  Indiana  had  just  decided  to  call  a 
Convention  to  revise  the  State  Constitution,  which  had 
been  adopted  in  1816  ;  and,  after  an  existence  of  over 
a  third  of  a  century,  the  adoption  of  a  new  Constitu 
tion,  in  accord  with  the  spirit  of  the  times,  was  ap 
proached  with  much  caution.  Every  one  felt  the  neces 
sity  of  confiding  the  trust  to  the  wisest  and  best  men 
in  the  State ;  and  it  is  doubtful  whether  a  superior 
body  of  men  ever  assembled  for  a  like  purpose  than 
that  which  assembled  at  Indianapolis,  in  October,  1850, 
to  prepare  a  Constitution  for  the  State  of  Indiana. 
Mr.  English  had  the  honor  of  being  elected  the  prin 
cipal  Secretary  of  the  Convention,  and  of  officially 
attesting  the  Constitution,  which  was  prepared  by  the 


WILLIAM   H.    ENGLISH.  335 

Convention  after  over  four  months'  deliberation,  and 
which  was  ratified  by  an  overwhelming  vote  of  the 
people. 

At  the  adjournment,  the  Convention  assigned  to 
Mr.  English  the  important  trust  of  supervising  the 
publication  of  the  Constitution,  the  journals,  addresses, 
etc.  As  Secretary  of  the  Convention,  he  added  largely 
to  his  reputation,  and  the  fact  was  recognized  that  his 
abilities  were  of  a  character  to  command  a  wider 
sphere  of  usefulness  to  the  party  and  to  the  country. 

The  adoption  of  the  new  Constitution  made  a  neces 
sity  for  a  thorough  revision  of  the  laws  of  the  State, 
and  the  same  high  order  of  talent  was  needed  to  mould 
the  laws  as  had  been  required  to  prepare  the  Constitu 
tion  itself.  It  was,  therefore,  a  signal  honor  to  Mr. 
English,  that  he  was  elected,  in  1851,  to  represent  his 
native  county  in  the  State  Legislature  against  an  oppo 
sition  majority,  and  over  a  competitor  considered  the 
strongest  and  most  popular  man  of  his  party  in  the 
county.  This  was  the  first  meeting  of  the  Legislature 
under  the  provisions  of  the  new  Constitution;  and 
judgment  and  discretion  were  required  of  the  Legis 
lature  to  put  the  new  State  machinery  into  harmonious 
and  successful  operation.  Therefore,  it  was  no  small 
compliment  to  so  young  man  as  Mr.  English,  to  have 
been  chosen  over  so  many  older  and  more  experienced 
citizens. 

But  this  was  not  the  only  honor  which  was  to  be  his. 
Notwithstanding  the  fact  that  he  was  but  twenty-nine 
years  of  age,  that  it  was  his  first  session  as  a  member, 
and  that  there  were  many  old  and  distinguished  men  in 


336  LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    CAKEER    OF 

that  Legislature,  when  the  caucus  to  nominate  a 
Speaker  was  held,  he  received  twenty-two  votes  to 
thirty-one  for  Hon.  John  W.  Davis,  who  had  long  been 
a  member  and  Speaker  of  the  United  States  House  of 
Representatives,  and  had  also  been  Minister  to  China. 

Early  in  the  session,  on  a  disagreement  between  the 
House  and  Speaker  Davis,  he  called  Mr.  English  to 
the  chair,  and  resigned  the  position  of  Speaker.  The 
next  day  Mr.  English  was  elected  by  twenty-eight 
majority,  and  it  may  be  mentioned  as  an  evidence  of 
his  popularity  as  a  presiding  officer,  that  during  his 
long  term  of  service  —  over  three  months  —  no  appeal 
was  taken  from  any  of  his  decisions.  And  this  is  the 
more  remarkable  since  it  was  the  first  session  under 
the  new  Constitution,  when  many  new  points  had  to  be 
decided. 

Previous  to  the  election  of  Mr.  English  as  Spaeker, 
he  was  selected  by  Speaker  Davis  as  one  of  a  com 
mittee  of  five  to  revise  the  laws  of  the  State,  but 
declined.  But  many  radical  and  highly  beneficial 
reforms  in  the  laws  of  the  State  were  made  at  this  ses 
sion,  to  the  success  of  which  Mr.  English  largely  con 
tributed,  and  which,  in  some  instances,  he  originated  > 
such  as  the  change  in  the  system  of  taxing  railroads, 
and  the  substitution  of  the  present  short  form  of  deeds, 
mortgages,  etc.,  for  long  and  intricate  forms. 

Mr.  English  has,  in  an  eminent  degree,  that  force 
and  energy  of  character  which  lead  to  successful  action, 
and  has  left  his  impress  upon  the  measures  of  every 
deliberative  body,  company,  or  association  to  which  ho 
has  belonged.  In  a  word,  he  has  all  the  elements  of  a 


WILLIAM   H.    ENGLISH.  337 

bold,  aggressive,  and  successful  leadership.  If  lost 
with  a  multitude  in  a  pathless  wilderness,  he  would 
not  lag  behind  waiting  for  some  one  else  to  open  up 
the  path  of  escape.  He  would  be  more  apt  to  promptly 
advise  which  was  the  best  way  out,  or  to  make  the 
road  himself  and  call  upon  his  comrades  to  follow. 


338         LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


CHAPTER  H. 

Election  to  Congress. — The  Famous  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill  and  Mr 
English's  Action  Thereon. —  The  "Popular  Sovereignty"  Idea.— 
Relations  with  Douglas.— Mr.  English's  Position  on  the  Slavery 
Question. — His  Second  Election  to  Congress. —  Labor  against 
Know-Nothingism. —  Regent  of  the  Smithsonian  Institute. — Third 
Election  to  Congress. — The  Slavery  Agitation  and  Lecompton  Con 
stitution. —  The  "English  Bill"  and  its  Author's  Views  upon  it. 

IT  was  at  the  close  of  the  long  session  of  the  Legis 
lature  of  1851,  after  he  had  won  the  highest  praise  from 
men  of  both  parties,  and  was  looked  upon  by  the  Dem 
ocrats  as  a  man  of  sound  political  views  and  unswerv 
ing  integrity,  that  he  was  asked  to  allow  his  name  to  be 
used  for  the  Congressional  election.  Consenting,  he 
was  nominated,  and  in  October,  1852,  elected  by  488 
majority  over  John  D.  Ferguson. 

Mr.  English  entered  Congress  at  the  commencement 
of  Mr.  Pierce's  administration,  and  gave  its  political 
measures  the  same  support  that  he  had  shown  during  the 
election,  in  which  he  aided  to  no  slight  extent. 

Regarding  the  time  and  the  man,  an  eminent  writer 
has  said : — 

"  It  was  a  memorable  period  in  the  history  of  the  country  ; 
a  time  when  questions  of  far-reaching  consequences  had  their 
birth ;  and  which  a  few  ye&i's  subsequent!}'  tested  to  the 
utmost  limit  the  strength  of  the  Republic.  It  was  the  time 
for  the  display  of  unselfish  patriotism,  lofty  purpose,  moral 
courage,  and  unwavering  devotion  to  the  Constitution.  Mr. 


WILLIAM   H.    ENGLISH.  339 

English  met  the  demand.  He  was  equal  to  the  responsibility 
of  the  occasion.  He  never  disappointed  his  constituents,  his 
party,  or  his  country.  He  displayed  his  national  qualities  of 
prudence,  sagacity,  and  firmness." 

At  the  opening  of  this  Congress  the  famous  Kansas- 
Nebraska  bill  was  introduced.  Mr.  English  was  a  mem 
ber  of  the  House  Committee  on  Territories,  which  was 
charged  with  the  consideration  and  report  of  the  bill ; 
he  did  not  concur  with  the  majority  of  the  committee  in 
the  propriety  and  expediency  of  bringing  forward  the 
measure  at  that  time,  and  made  a  minority  report  on 
Jan.  31, 1854,  proposing  several  important  amendments, 
which,  although  not  directly  adopted,  for  reasons  here 
after  explained,  probably  led  to  modifications  of  the  bill 
of  the  Senate,  which  bill  was  finally  adopted  as  an 
amendment  to  the  House  bill,  and  enacted  into  a  law. 
Both  the  House  and  Senate  bill,  at  the  time  Mr.  English 
made  his  minority  report,  contained  a  provision  "  that 
the  Constitution,  and  all  laws  of  the  United  States 
which  are  not  locally  inapplicable,  shall  have  the  same 
force  and  effect  within  the  said  territory  as  elsewhere 
in  the  United  States  ;"  and  then  followed  this  important 
reservation : — 

"  Except  the  eighth  section  of  this  act  preparatory  to  the 
admission  of  Missouri  into  the  Union,  approved  March  6, 
1820,  which  was  superseded  by  the  principles  of  the  legisla 
tion  of  1850,  commonly  called  the  compromise  measures, 
and  is  hereby  declared  inoperative." 

Mr.  English  proposed  to  strike  out  this  exception 

nnrl  irisprt.  tliA  fiYMnwinor  •  — 


340          LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

"  Provided,  That  nothing  in  this  act  shall  be  so  construed 
as  to  prevent  the  people  of  said  territoiy,  through  the  prop 
erly  constituted  legislative  authority,  from  passing  such  laws 
in  relation  to  the  institution  of  slavery,  not  inconsistent  with 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  as  they  may  deem  best 
adapted  to  their  locality,  and  most  conducive  to  their  happi 
ness  and  welfare ;  and  so  much  of  any  existing  act  of  Con 
gress  as  may  conflict  with  the  above  right  of  the  people  to 
regulate  then'  domestic  institutions  in  their  own  way,  be,  and 
the  same  is,  hereby  repealed." 

Mr.  Greeley,  in  his  "American  Conflict,"  expresses 
the  belief  that  this  proposition  of  Mr.  English  could 
not  have  been  defeated  on  the  call  of  the  yeas  and 
nays ;  and  the  author  explains  and  condemns  the  new 
and  ingenious  parliamentary  manoeuvre  resorted  to  at 
the  time,  which  cut  off  all  amendments  but  the  substi 
tution  of  the  Senate  bill  for  the  bill  of  the  House.  The 
parliamentary  manoeuvre  referred  to,  brought  the  House 
to  a  vote  on  the  Senate  bill,  which,  in  the  meantime, 
had  been  offered  as  a  substitute  for  the  House  bill,  and 
it  was  adopted  and  became  the  law.  On  February  7, 
the  Senate  adopted  an  amendment,  very  similar  in 
purpose,  offered  by  Senator  Douglas. 

Senator  Douglas  was  justly  regarded  as  the  great 
leader  and  champion  of  the  "popular  sovereignty" 
idea.  So  far  as  the  advocacy  of  that  principle  was 
concerned,  Mr.  English  was  with  him,  and  it  will  not 
be  out  of  place  to  state  here,  that  although  some  slight 
political  differences  ultimately  sprang  up  between  them 
in  relation  to  the  "English  Bill,"  they  were  always 
personal  friends,  and  for  many  years  the  relations 


WILLIAM   H.    ENGLISH.  341 

between  them  were  of  the  most  intimate  character.  As 
far  back  as  1845,  Mr.  Douglas  wrote  President  Polk, 
urging  that  Mr.  English  be  appointed  Recorder  in  the 
general  land  office ;  and  Mr.  English  has  many  letters 
from  Mr.  Douglas  expressing  the  most  cordial  friend 
ship. 

During  the  eight  years  immediately  preceding  the 
war,  Mr.  English  was  in  Congress,  and  more  or  less 
identified  with  the  measures  involving  the  question  of 
slavery,  and  his  opinion  on  the  question  can  best  be 
given  in  extracts  from  his  own  speeches  : — 

44 1  am  a  native  of  a  free  State,  and  have  no  love  for  the 
institution  of  slavery.  Aside  from  the  moral  question  in 
volved,  I  regard  it  as  an  injury  to  the  State  whore  it  exists, 
and  if  it  were  proposed  to  introduce  it  where  I  reside,  would 
resist  it  to  the  last  extremity." 

Again  he  says,  when  speaking  of  the  slaveholding 
States  : — 

"They  are  the  best  judges  of  the  soil,  and  climate,  and 
wants  of  the  country  they  inhabit ;  they  are  the  true  judges 
of  what  will  best  suit  their  own  condition,  and  promote  their 
welfare  and  happiness." 

On  another  occasion,  speaking  for  himself  and  his 
constituency,  he  said  : — 

"  We  do  not  like  this  institution  of  slavery,  neither  in  its 
moral,  social,  nor  political  bearings,  but  consider  that  it  is  a 
matter  which,  like  all  other  domestic  affairs,  each  organized 
community  ought  to  be  allowed  to  decide  for  itself." 


342  LIFE   AND    PUBLIC    CAKEER   OF 

The  idea  of  "leaving  the  people  of  every  State  and 
Territory  perfectly  free  to  form  and  regulate  their 
domestic  institutions  in  their  own  way,  subject  only  to 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,"  seemed  to  be  in 
accordance  with  the  genius  of  our  American  institu 
tions  ;  but  the  storm  raised  by  the  passage  of  the 
Kansas-Nebraska  bill,  resulted  in  the  defeat  of  nearly 
all  the  members  from  the  free  States  who  voted  for  it. 
In  fact,  Mr.  English  was  one  of  only  three  in  the 
country  who  had  sufficient  strength  to  survive  the 
storm. 

He  was  unanimously  nominated  for  re-election  to 
Congress,  and  elected  by  a  majority  of  five  hundred 
and  eighty-eight  over  the  Whig  and  Know-Nothing 
opponent,  Judge  Thomas  C.  Slaughter. 

It  was  during  Mr.  English's  congressional  career 
that  the  country  was  visited  by  the  fanatical  cyclone, 
known  as  Know-Nothingism,  and  he  threw  himself ,  in  a 
spirit  of  self-abnegation,  into  the  work  of  crushing  it 
out,  until  he  won  the  applause  of  all  right-thinking  men, 
and  proved  to  the  foreign-born  citizens  that  he  was  their 
friend  indeed.  A  native  of  Indiana,  speaking  of  Mr. 
English's  work  in  this  direction,  says  : — 

"  It  was  a  Democratic'  victory  to  which  no  man  in  the 
nation  contributed  more  than  did  William  H.  English  in  his 
gallant  canvass  against  the  Know-Nothings  in  the  Second 
Congressional  district  of  Indiana  in  1854." 

Mr.  English  was  a  Regent  of  the  Smithsonian  Insti 
tute  for  eight  years,  and  during  the  Thirty-fourth  Con 
gress  made  a  speech  in  defence  of  the  management  of 


WILLIAM   H.    ENGLISH.  343 

the  institution,  which  was  highly  commended  by  many 
eminent  scientific  gentlemen.  Mr.  Charles  Henry 
Davis  went  so  far  as  to  write  a  letter  in  which  he  said 
that  Mr.  English  was  entitled  to  "the  gratitude  and 
friendly  regard  of  every  scientific  man  in  the  country 
whose  opinions  are  thought  worth  repeating." 

At  the  end  of  Mr.  English's  second  term,  he  avowed 
his  intention  of  retiring  from  public  life,  and  requested 
his  constituents  to  select  some  other  candidate.  The 
convention  met  to  nominate  his  successor,  and,  after 
balloting  forty-two  times  without  making  a  choice, 
finally  determined,  unanimously,  to  insist  upon  Mr. 
English  taking  the  field  for  the  third  time.  He  reluc 
tantly  consented  to  this,  and  was  elected  by  a  still  larger 
majority  than  before. 

It  was  during  his  third  term  that  Speaker  Orr  ap 
pointed  him  to  the  important  and  arduous  position  of 
chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Post-offices  and  Post- 
roads. 

In  the  meantime,  the  agitation  of  the  slavery  question 
continued,  and  the  Kansas  controversy  assumed  a  new 
and  more  dangerous  aspect  than  ever.  It  was  during 
this  Congress  that,  by  his  course  upon  the  Kansas 
policy  of  the  administration,  Mr.  English  acquired 
his  widest  reputation.  He  steadily  and  firmly  opposed 
the  admission  of  Kansas  under  the  Lecompton  Consti 
tution,  until  it  had  been  ratified  by  a  vote  of  the 
people. 

In  a  speech  delivered  by  him  in  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives,  he  clearly  defined  his  position.  "  I  think," 
said  he,  "  before  Kansas  is  admitted,  her  people  ought 


344          LITE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

to  ratify,  or,  at  least,  have  a  fair  opportunity  to  vote 
upon  the  Constitution  under  which  it  is  proposed  to 
admit  her.  At  the  same  time,  I  am  not  so  wedded  to 
any  particular  plan  that  I  may  not,  for  the  sake  of 
harmony,  and  as  a  choice  of  evils,  make  reasonable  con 
cessions,  provided  the  substance  would  be  secured, 
which  is  the  making  of  the  Constitution,  at  an  early  day, 
conform  to  the  public  will,  or,  at  least,  that  the  privi 
lege  and  opportunity  of  so  making  it  be  secured  to  the 
people  beyond  all  question.  Less  than  this  would  not 
satisfy  the  expectations  of  my  constituents,  and  I  would 
not  betray  their  wishes  for  any  earthly  considerations. 
If,  on  the  other  hand,  all  reasonable  compromises  are 
voted  down,  and  I  am  brought  to  vote  upon  the  naked 
and  unqualified  admission  of  Kansas  under  the  Lecomp- 
ton  Constitution,  I  distinctly  declare  that  I  cannot,  in 
conscience,  vote  for  it." 

During  the  long  and  exciting  contest  over  this  ques 
tion,  Mr.  English  never  departed  from  the  position 
taken  in  this  speech.  He  was  "  Anti-Lecompton,"  but 
not  of  those  who  wished  to  cripple  the  administration 
or  break  up  the  Democratic  organization.  He  boldly 
and  eloquently  appealed  to  his  Southern  colleagues. 
Alluding  to  the  recent  defeat  of  the  Democracy  at  the 
North,  he  said  :  — 

"It  should  not  be  forgotten,  that  when  we  men  of  the 
North  went  forth  to  encounter  this  fearful  army  of  fanatics, — 
this  great  army  of  Abolitionists,  Know-Nothings,  and  Republi 
cans  combined, — you,  gentlemen  of  the  South,  were  at  home  at 
your  ease,  because  you  had  not  run  counter  to  the  sympathies 
and  popular  sentiments  of  your  people :  you  went  with  the 


WILLIAM   H.    ENGLISH.  345 

current ;  we  against  it.  We  risked  everything  ;  you  compara 
tively  nothing ;  and  now  I  appeal  to  you,  whether,  for  the 
sake  of  an  empty  triumph,  of  no  permanent  benefit  to  you  or 
your  '  peculiar  institution/  you  will  turn  a  deaf  ear  to  our 
earnest  entreaties  for  such  an  adjustment  of  this  question  as 
will  enable  us  to  respect  the  wishes  of  our  constituents,  and 
maintain  the  union  and  integrity  of  our  party  at  home  ?  Look 
to  it,  ye  men  of  the  South,  that  you  do  not,  for  a  mere  shadow, 
strike  down  or  drive  from  you  your  only  effective  support 
outside  the  limits  of  your  own  States." 

On  this  bill  an  issue  was  formed  between  the  great 
co-ordinate  branches  of  the  government,  whose  joint 
and  harmonious  action  could  alone  remove  the  danger 
ous  question  and  give  peace  to  the  country. 

At  this  stage  of  proceedings,  when  there  appeared  no 
hope  for  a  settlement  of  the  disagreement  between  the 
two  Houses,  and  there  was  every  chance  that  the  angry 
contest  would  be  adjourned  for  further  and  protracted 
agitation  before  a  people  already  inflamed  with  sectional 
animosities,  Mr.  English  moved  to  concur  in  the  propo 
sition  of  the  Senate,  asking  for  a  committee  of  free  con 
ference.  The  motion  was  adopted  by  the  deciding  vote 
of  the  Speaker,  and  the  committee  on  the  part  of  the 
House  was  composed  of  W.  H.  English  of  Indiana,  A. 
H.  Stephens  of  Georgia,  and  W.  A.  Howard  of  Michi 
gan.  On  the  part  of  the  Senate,  the  committee  was 
J.  S.  Greene  of  Missouri,  R.  M.  T.  Hunter  of  Vir 
ginia,  and  W.  H.  Seward  of  New  York. 

As  the  Senate  had  asked  for  the  conference,  the 
managers  on  behalf  of  that  branch  of  Congress  were 
informed  by  Mr,  English  that  propositions  for  a  com- 


346         LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

promise  must  first  come  from  them.  If  they  had  none 
to  offer,  the  managers  on  the  part  of  the  House  had 
none,  and  the  conference  would  immediately  terminate. 
The  managers  on  the  part  of  the  Senate  made  several 
propositions,  none  of  which,  however,  were  acceptable 
to  the  members  on  behalf  of  the  House. 

The  Senate  committee  then  asked  the  members  from 
the  House  if  they  had  any  compromise  to  offer,  to  which 
Mr.  English  replied  that  he  had  none  prepared  ;  but  he 
had  a  plan  in  his  mind,  based,  however,  upon  the  prin 
ciple  of  a  submission  of  the  question  of  admission  undei 
the  Lecompton  Constitution  and  an  amended  ordinance 
to  a  fair  vote  of  the  people  of  Kansas  ;  and  if  the  com 
mittee  thought  it  worth  while,  he  would  prepare  it,  and 
submit  it  to  them  at  their  next  meeting.  They  told 
him  to  do  so.  This  was  the  origin  of  the  great  Kansas 
compromise  measure,  commonly  called  the  "English 
Bill,"  which  finally  passed  both  branches  of  Congress 
and  became  the  law. 

This  law  was,  in  effect,  to  place  it  in  the  power  of 
the  people  of  Kansas  to  come  into  the  Union  under  the 
Lecompton  Constitution  or  not,  as  they  might  them 
selves  determine  at  a  fair  election. 

Mr.  Buchanan,  the  President,  was  highly  gratified, 
and  wrote  to  Mr.  English  :  — 

"I  consider  the  present  occasion  the  most  fortunate  of 
your  life.  It  will  be  your  fate  to  end  the  dangerous  agita 
tion,  to  confer  lasting  benefits  on  your  country,  and  to  render 
your  character  historical.  I  shall  remain  always  your  friend." 

The  night  after  the  passage  of  the  bill  great  rejoic- 


WILLIAM   H.    ENGLISH.  347 

ings  were  held  in  Washington,  and  both  the  President 
and  Mr.  English  were  serenaded.  In  the  course  of  Mr. 
English's  remarks  on  the  occasion,  he  said  :  — 

"  Let  us  all  stand  together  in  this  great  confederacy  as 
equals,  each  State  having  the  right  to  regulate  its  own 
domestic  institutions  in  its  own  way  ;  and  let  us  apply  this 
doctrine  not  only  to  Kansas,  but  to  all  the  Territories  which 
may  come  into  this  Union  for  all  time  to  come.  That  is  the 
doctrine  of  the  Democratic  party ;  and  when  that  party  is 
struck  down,  the  best  interests  of  the  country  will  be  struck 
down.  Stop  this  agitation  and  let  us  act,  not  like  visionary 
fanatics,  but  practical  men.  Let  well  enough  alone,  and 
leave  the  solution  of  this  matter  to  time  and  Providence.  If 
we  cannot  stand  upon  the  doctrine  of  non-intervention,  where 
can  we  stand  in  safety  ? 

"I  am  here  as  one  of  the  representatives  of  a  western 
State.  It  is  a  conservative  State  ;  it  is  the  one  which  gave 
the  largest  majority  of  any  one  in  the  North  for  President. 
I  know  that  it  is  the  feeling  of  the  people  of  Indiana  that 
the  interests  and  rights  of  the  South  should  never  be  trodden 
under  foot.  We  do  not  intend  to  surrender  any  of  our  rights, 
and  we  do  not  believe  that  the  people  of  the  South  desire  to 
trespass  upon  our  rights ;  if  they  did,  we  should  rise  up  as 
one  man  to  resist  it,  and  we  would  resist  it  to  the  last.  While 
we  shah1  be  careful  to  protect  our  rights,  we  shall  be  equally 
careful  not  to  trespass  upon  the  rights  of  our  brethren  in 
other  States.  Upon  such  broad,  national  grounds  as  this  we 
can  all  stand ;  and  if  we  do,  this  confederacy  will  continue 
increasing  in  prosperity  and  glon^.  We  must  discard  all 
these  sectional  ideas.  We  must  cultivate  a  greater  feeling 
of  respect  and  sympathy  for  each  other,  and  for  those  of 
different  sections ;  and  I  trust  and  hope  this  is  the  dawn  of 
a  new  era.  I  trust  and  hope  we  shah1  hear  no  more  of  these 


348  LIFE   AND   PUBLIC   CAREER   OF 

sectional  agitations.  Every  good  man  and  lover  of  this 
country  ought  to  set  his  face  against  them.  I  speak  the 
sentiment  of  the  entire  Democracy  of  my  State  when  I  say 
that  we  will  do  battle  faithfully  to  protect  the  rights  of  the 
people  of  every  portion  of  the  confederacy,  and  that  we  shall 
stand  by  the  Constitution  and  the  Union  to  the  last." 

The  "  English  Bill "  was  never  exactly  as  its  author 
would  have  had  it.  In  a  speech  made  some  time  after 
its  passage,  Mr.  English  says  :  — 

' '  It  was  not  to  be  expected  that  a  bill  upon  a  subject  of  so 
much  magnitude,  preceded  by  such  intense  excitement,  long 
and  heated  debates,  close  votes,  and  conflicts  between  co 
ordinate  branches  of  the  Government,  could  be  enacted  into 
a  law  in  a  manner  satisfactory  to  all,  or  without  violent  op 
position.  Nothing  in  man's  nature,  or  the  history  of  the 
past,  warranted  such  expectation.  Thirty  millions  of  ex 
cited  people  are  not  easily  quieted,  and  a  question  which 
could  agitate  a  whole  nation  was  not  likely  to  be  removed 
without  a  struggle  and  some  sacrifice  of  opinion. 

"  These  things  will  all  be  considered  by  those  who  are 
disposed  to  judge  fairly.  Wise  and  patriotic  men  could  well 
approve  of  a  measure,  originating  under  such  circumstances, 
which  the}r  would  have  objected  to  as  an  original  proposition. 
I  am  free  to  sa}^  that  if  the  bill  had  been  an  original  proposi 
tion,  depending  alone  upon  my  approval  to  shape  into  a  law, 
I  should,  without  sacrificing  its  substance,  have  changed  in 
some  respects  some  of  its  provisions.  It  was  no  time,  how 
ever,  to  cavil  about  non-essential  points,  or  unimportant 
words ;  no  time  to  manifest  a  captious  or  dogmatical  dis 
position.  A  little  might  well  be  yielded  to  the  judgment  of 
others,  if  necessary  to  achieve  a  successful  result  in  a  matter 
of  such  importance. 


WILLIAM   H.    ENGLISH.  349 

' '  Perfection  in  every  respect  was  not  claimed  for  the  con 
ference  bill.  Its  friends  set  up  no  unreasonable  or  extrava 
gant  pretensions  in  its  behalf,  and  they  now  have  the  proud 
satisfaction  of  knowing  that  it  has  realized  all  they  ever 
claimed  for  it.  It  was  enough  that  it  contained  the  sub 
stance,  and  was  the  very  best  that  could  be  secured  at  the 
time  and  under  the  circumstances  which  then  existed. 

' '  In  that  spirit  it  was  agreed  to  in  committee ;  in  that 
spirit  enacted  into  a  law.  It  sprang  from  the  necessity  of 
the  case,  and  was  supported  in  the  hope  of  reconciliation  and 
peace.  If  those  who  gave  it  their  support  erred,  it  was  in 
yielding  too  much  in  the  praiseworthy  effort  of  removing  a 
dangerous  question  from  the  national  councils  and  restoring 
harmony  to  a  highly  excited  people." 

Under  this  law,  the  question  of  admission  under  the 
Lecompton  Constitution  was,  in  effect,  referred  back  to 
the  people  of  Kansas,  and  they  voted  against  it,  as  was 
expected. 

Thus  the  result  was  accomplished  which  Mr.  English 
had  contended  for  from  the  beginning,  and  there  is  no 
inconsistency  in  his  record  upon  this  subject.  On  the 
final  vote  which  admitted  Kansas  as  a  State,  he  was 
still  a  member,  and  voted  for  her  admission. 


350  LIFE   AND   PUBLIC   CAREER   OP 


CHAPTEK  HI. 

Two  Notable  Contests  for  Speakersliip.  —  Letter  from  President 
Buchanan.  —  Refusing  Political  Honors.  —  Elected  to  Congress  the 
Fourth  Time.  —  The  Shadow  of  the  Civil  War.  —  Mr.  English's 
Position.  —  His  Speech  to  the  Southern  Members.  —  Retirement 
from  Public  Life.  —  Founder  of  the  First  National  Bank  of  Indian 
apolis. —  During  the  Panic  of  1873.  —  Views  on  the  Money 
Question. 

THERE  were  two  notable  contests  for  the  speakership 
during  Mr.  English's  service  in  Congress,  which  are 
likely  to  live  in  history.  The  first  was  at  the  beginning 
of  the  Thirty-fourth  Congress,  when  the  Know-Nothing 
party  held  a  small  balance  of  power,  and  which,  after 
a  fierce  and  protracted  struggle,  resulted  in  the  election 
of  N.  P.  Banks. 

The  second  one  took  place  at  the  beginning  of  the 
Thirty-sixth  Congress,  when  John  Sherman  was  nomi 
nated  by  the  Republicans  for  speaker ;  and,  after  two 
months,  Governor  Pcnnington  was  finally  elected. 

One  extract  from  a  speech  made  by  Mr.  English  at 
this  time  should  be  preserved,  since  it  refers  to  his 
political  career.  He  said  :  — 

' '  Those  who  are  acquainted  with  my  personal  and  political 
history  know  that  I  have  never  belonged  to,  or  sympathized 
with,  any  other  than  the  Democratic  party.  I  have  stood 
with  that  party  against  all  the  political  organizations  that 
have  from  time  to  time  been  arrayed  against  it.  When  the 
old  Whig  party  existed,  I  opposed  it  upon  those  issues  which 


WILLIAM   II .    ENGLISH.  351 

have  become  obsolete,  and  are  no  longer  before  the  country. 
Upon  the  great  question  of  slavery,  which  is  the  vital  ques 
tion  of  this  day,  I  stand  where  the  Democracy  stood,  and 
the  Whig  party  stood,  as  long  as  the  Whig  party  had  an 
existence. 

"  Upon  the  advent  of  the  Know-Nothing  or  American  party, 
I  opposed  it  persistently,  and  particularly  the  peculiar  doc 
trines  of  that  party  in  relation  to  naturalization  and  religion. 
My  views  upon  these  subjects  have  undergone  no  change.  I 
am  for  our  naturalization  laws  as  they  stand,  and  for  the 
entire  freedom  of  religious  belief;  and  would  resist,  to  the 
last,  any  infringement  upon  the  one  or  the  other." 

In  the  ensuipg  political  campaign,  after  the  passage 
of  the  "  English  Bill,"  Mr.  English  was  again  nominated 
for  Congress  ;  and  the  contest  in  his  district  assumed  a 
national  importance.  President  Buchanan  wrote  him 
many  letters  of  encouragement,  and  in  one  he  said  :  — 

' '  I  omit  no  opportunity  of  expressing  my  opinion  of  how 
much  the  country  owes  you  for  the  English  amendment. 
Having  lost  the  bill  of  the  Senate,  which  I  preferred,  the 
country  would  have  been  in  a  sad  condition,  had  it  not  been 
relieved  by  your  measure.  It  is  painful  even  to  think  of  what 
would  have  been  the  alarming  condition  of  the  Union,  had 
Congress  adjourned  without  passing  your  amendment.  I 
trust  you  will  have  no  difficulty  in  being  renommated  and  re- 
elected.  If  I  had  a  thousand  votes,  you  should  have  them 
all  with  a  hearty  good  will." 

It  was  after  the  passage  of  the  "  English  Bill "  that 
the  President  offered  to  confer  the  highest  political 
honors  upon  Mr.  English ;  but  he  declined  to  receive 


352  LITE    AND   PUBLIC    CAREER   OF 

any  executive  appointment.  The  same  offer  of  favors 
was  made  by  President  Johnson.  In  the  former  case, 
Mr.  English  felt  that  his  acceptance  might  be  misunder 
stood  ;  and  he  preferred  remaining  an  independent 
representative  of  the  people. 

The  election  of  1858  resulted  in  the  return  of  Mr. 
English  to  Congress  by  a  larger  majority  than  ever. 
There  had  been  no  change  in  the  boundaries  of  his 
district ;  but  his  career  in  this,  as  in  everything  else, 
had  been  upward  and  onward,  his  majority  gradually 
increasing  at  each  election,  from  488  in  1852  to  1,812 
in  1858,  and  this  at  a  time  when  Democratic  congress- 

7  O 

men  were  almost  swept  out  of  existence  in  the  Northern 
States. 

In  the  meantime,  the  shadows  of  the  great  civil  war 
began  to  deepen,  and  Mr.  English  was  a  member  of  the 
national  campaign  committee.  The  approaching  Demo 
cratic  Convention  at  Charleston,  S.  C.,  was  such  an 
event  as  the  nation  looked  forward  to  with  anxiety. 
Mr,  English  went  to  Charleston,  not  as  a  delegate,  but 
as  a  peace-maker ;  and,  if  his  advice,  and  the  advice  of 
such  prudent  and  practical  men  as  he,  had  been  fol 
lowed,  there  would  have  been  but  one  Democratic 
Presidential  ticket,  and  such  a  conservative,  patriotic 
platform  as  would  probably  have  been  successful. 

Mr.  English's  labors  in  the  behalf  of  harmony  and 
of  the  safety  of  the  country  were  in  vain ;  and  he  re 
turned  to  Washington  greatly  discouraged.  In  Con 
gress,  just  before  the  breaking  up  at  Charleston,  and 
when  public  feeling  was  at  its  height,  Mr.  English 
made  a  great  speech,  full  of  wisdom  and  of  sadness. 
He  commenced  by  saying :  — 


WILLIAM   H.    ENGLISH.  353 

"  If  I  were  to  speak  upon  the  topics  which  seem  to  be 
absorbing  the  attention  of  everybody  now,  it  would  be  upon 
the  scenes  that  have  been  enacted,  and  the  events  which  are 
transpiring,  at  Charleston. 

' '  I  may  be  permitted  to  say,  sir,  upon  this  subject  of  the 
Presidency,  that  I  have  but  little  sympathy  with  those  who 
imperiously  demand  '  Caesar  or  nobody  ; '  no  sympathy  with 
that  rule-or-ruin  spirit  which  has  been  exhibited  too  much  of 
late  in  both  wings  of  the  Democratic  party,  and  to  which  may 
justly  be  attributed  whatever  difficulties  now  exist. 

"I  shall  not  attempt,  on  the  present  occasion,  to  charac 
terize  this  rule-or-ruin  spirit  in  that  language  I  conceive  it  so 
justly  merits ;  but  I  venture  to  predict  that,  if  disaster  or 
serious  trouble  ensues,  the  masses  of  the  Democratic  party 
never  will  forgive,  as  they  never  ought  to  forgive,  those  who 
will  have  needlessly  precipitated  this  state  of  affairs  upon  the 
country. 

"  It  is  not  to  be  denied  that,  just  at  this  time,  dark  and 
ominous  clouds  seem  to  be  '  lowering  over  our  house  ; '  but  I 
have  an  abiding  faith  that  these  clouds  will  soon  break  awa}7, 
and  leave  the  glorious  sun  of  Democracy  shining  brightly  as 
ever. 

1 '  Sir,  mere  political  storms  have  no  terror  for  me  or  for 
the  great  party  to  which  I  belong ;  and,  for  the  present,  I 
shall  go  upon  the  supposition  that  whatever  storms  may  have 
prevailed  at  Charleston  were  necessary  for  the  purity  and 
healthfulness  of  the  political  atmosphere,  as  natural  storms 
are  known  to  be  for  a  like  purpose  in  the  physical  world." 

When  the  movement  on  the  part  of  the  South  for 
dissolution  came,  Mr.  English  was  for  pacification  if 
possible,  and  favored  every  measure  tending  to  that 
result. 

In  a  speech  in  the  House,  he  told  the  South,  that 


354         LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAEEER  OF 

"  the  great  Democratic  party,  that  has  so  long  and  so 
justly  boasted  of  its  nationality,  must  not  degenerate 
into  a  mere  Southern  sectional  party,  or  a  party  that 
tolerates  the  sentiment  of  disunion ;  if  it  does,  its  days 
are  numbered  and  its  mission  ended." 

In  alluding  to  the  folly  of  the  South  in  attempting  to 
break  up  the  Union,  because  of  the  election  of  a  sec 
tional  man  to  the  President's  chair,  he  told  them  that 
not  even  a  corporal's  guard  of  Northern  men  would  go 
with  them  out  of  the  Union  for  such  a  cause,  and  that 
his  constituents  would  only  "  march  under  the  flag,  and 
keep  step  to  the  music  of  the  Union."  Then  pointedly 
addressing  the  Southern  members,  he  said  : — 

44  Looking  at  this  matter  from  the  particular  stand-point 
3*011  occup3*,  it  is  to  be  feared  you  have  not  alwa}*s  properly 
appreciated  the  position  of  the  Free-State  Democracy,  or  the 
perils  which  would  environ  them  in  the  event  of  a  resort  to 
the  extreme  measures  to  which  I  refer.  Would  3*011  expect 
us  in  such  an  event  to  go  with  3*011  out  of  the  Union?  If  so, 
let  me  tell  3*ou  frankly,  3*our  expectations  will  never  be  real 
ized.  Collectively,  as  States,  it  would  be  impossible,  and  as 
individuals,  inadmissible  ;  because  it  would  involve  innumer 
able  sacrifices,  and  a  severance  of  those  sacred  ties  which 
bind  eveiy  man  to  his  own  immediate  county,  and  which,  as 
patriots,  we  never  would  surrender." 

The  crisis  of  the  great  American  conflict  came,  de 
spite  all  his  efforts,  and  he  resolved  to  retire  from  polit 
ical  life,  having  served  four  continuous  terms.  The 
convention  which  nominated  his  successor,  adopted 
the  following  resolution  : — 


WILLIAM  H.    ENGLISH.  355 

Resolved,  That  in  selecting  a  candidate  to  represent  this 
district  in  the  Thirty-seventh  Congress,  we  deem  it  a  proper 
occasion  to  express  the  respect  and  esteem  we  entertain  for 
our  present  member,  Hon.  W.  H.  English,  and  our  confi 
dence  in  him  as  a  public  officer.  In  his  retirement,  in  ac 
cordance  with  his  well-known  wishes,  from  the  position  of 
representative,  which  he  has  long  filled  with  credit  to  him 
self  and  benefit  to  the  country,  we  heartily  greet  him  with 
the  plaudit,  "  Well  done,  thou  good  and  faithful  servant." 

After  his  retirement  Mr.  English  was  offered  the 
command  of  a  regiment  by  Governor  Morton ;  but  he 
declined.  He  took  no  active  part  in  the  war,  though 
he  was  a  firm  and  consistent  supporter  of  the  Union 
cause.  The  Madison  "  Courier,"  a  paper  of  opposite 
political  views  from  Mr.  English,  gives  the  following 
account  of  a  speech  made  by  him : — 

"  Mr.  English  spoke  for  over  an  hour.  He  said  that  he 
had  informed  Southern  men  more  than  a  year  ago,  in  a  speech 
in  Congress,  that  he  disapproved  of  secession  in  toto,  and 
that  it  could  never  have  his  countenance  and  support.  It 
was  also  well  known  that  he  was  opposed  to  the  Republican 
doctrines,  and  should  boldly  assail  Mr.  Lincoln's  policy  when 
ever  he  thought  it  wrong ;  but  as  a  native  of  Indiana,  thor 
oughly  identified  with  Free-State  interests,  he  felt  that  his 
allegiance  was  exclusively  due  to  the  State  of  Indiana  and 
Government  of  the  United  States,  and  he  should  accordingly 
abide  in  good  faith  by  their  laws,  and  stand  under  the  old 
time-honored  flag. 

4 '  He  trusted  that  the  bitter  cup  of  civil  war  might  be 
passed  from  our  lips,  and  he  would  exhaust  every  possible 
means  of  maintaining  the  peace ;  but  if  nothing  will  do  but 
war,  then  we  must  all  stand  or  fall  together." 


356  LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    CAREER    OF 

In  the  spring  of  1863,  Mr.  English  removed  to  Ind 
ianapolis,  and  there  founded  the  First  National  Bank  of 
Indianapolis,  which  was  among  the  first  organized  in 
the  United  States  under  the  National  system,  and  the 
very  first  to  get  out  its  circulation. 

A  convention  of  bankers  from  all  parts  of  the  United 
States  was  held  in  the  spring  of  1876,  and  Mr.  Eng 
lish  was  chosen  as  one  of  the  committee  to  appeal- 
before  and  address  a  committee  of  Congress  upon 
certain  matters  of  finance. 

For  more  than  fourteen  years  Mr.  English  presided 
over  the  bank  he  had  founded,  with  remarkable  ability 
and  fidelity;  but  on  the  25th  of  July,  1877,  he  re 
signed,  having  become  so  much  broken  down  in  health 
that  it  was  necessary  for  him  to  go  to  a  warmer  climate. 
The  stockholders  and  directors  accepted  his  resigna 
tion  with  deep  regret,  and  adopted  the  following  reso 
lutions  : — 

Resolved,  That  the  directors  and  stockholders  of  this  bank 
sincerely  regret  the  causes  which  impel  the  resignation  of  the 
Hon.  William  H.  English,  so  long  president  of  this  institution, 
and  that  in  accepting  the  same  they  desire  to  express  their 
thanks  to  him  for  the  ver}^  great  financial  ability,  constant 
watchfulness,  and  perfect  fidelit}'  with  which  he  has  managed 
it  from  its  organization  to  the  present  time. 

Resolved,  That  the  executive  committee  of  the  board  be 
directed  to  have  prepared,  and  present  to  him  a  suitable 
testimonial  as  a  memento  of  our  personal  regard  and  esteem, 
and  that  he  carry  with  him  our  most  sincere  wishes  for  a  long 
life  of  usefulness  and  happiness. 

In    pursuance    of   the   latter  resolution    there  was 


WILLIAM   H.    ENGLISH.  357 

presented  to  Mr.  English  a  magnificent  gold  medal, 
with  profuse  symbolical  ornaments  in  the  highest  style 
of  art,  bearing  on  the  one  side  the  words,  "Fortitude, 
Strength,  Fidelity,"  and  on  the  reverse  the  following 
inscription:  —  "Presented  to  Hon.  Wm.  H.  English, 
founder,  and  over  fourteen  years  President  of  the  First 
National  Bank  of  Indianapolis,  as  a  memento  of  the 
personal  esteem  of  the  Stockholders  and  Directors, 
and  their  high  appreciation  of  his  very  great  financial 
ability,  constant  watchfulness,  and  perfect  fidelity,  July 
23,  1877." 

Soon  after  Mr.  English  retired  from  the  bank  he 
sold  out  his  stock  and  now  does  not  own  a  dollar  of 
stock  in  any  corporation. 

During  the  financial  panic  of  1873  he  did  very  much 
to  prevent  disaster  to  the  Indianapolis  banks  ;  and  the 
leading  newspaper,  "  The  People,"  said  of  him  at  that 
time :  — 

"His  conduct  throughout  the  panic  proved  that  his  heart 
was  in  the  right  place ;  that  the  best  interests  of  the  city 
were  in  his  thoughts  ;  that  he  had  the  nerve  and  the  will  to 
sink  self,  and  proffer  aid  to  those  needing  it." 

Mr.  English  has  always  been  a  fearless  advocate  of 
honest  money,  and  his  views  on  the  subject  can  best  be 
explained  in  his  own  words,  spoken  at  a  recent  inter 
view  :  — 

u  For  myself,  I  want  our  money  to  rank  with  the  same 
standard  recognized  by  all  the  great  commercial  nations  of 
the  world.  I  want  no  depreciated  or  irredeemable  paper 


358          LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

forced  upon  our  people.  I  want  the  laboring  man,  when  pay 
day  comes,  to  be  paid  in  real  dollars,  that  will  purchase  just 
as  much  of  the  necessaries  of  life  as  the  dollars  paid  to 
bondholders  or  office-holders,  and  with  as  great  purchasing 
powers  as  the  best  money  in  the  best  markets  of  the  world. 
Honesty,  in  my  judgment,  is  the  best  policy  in  finance  and 
politics,  as  well  as  in  morals  generally,  and  if  politicians 
would  take  half  as  much  trouble  to  instruct  and  enlighten  the 
masses  that  they  do  to  take  advantage  of  their  supposed 
prejudices,  it  would  be  far  better." 

Even  though  Mr.  English  refused  to  accept  any 
further  office,  he  did  not  cease  to  take  an  interest  in 
public  affairs.  He  was  a  delegate  to  the  State  Conven 
tion  in  1861,  and  in  1862  it  was  hoped  that  he  would 
allow  his  name  to  be  used  as  a  candidate  for  Congress. 
In  his  published  letter  of  refusal,  he  said  :  — 

44  It  is  perhaps  superfluous  for  me  to  add  that,  as  a  private 
citizen,  neither  seeking  nor  desiring  office,  I  shall  exert  what 
ever  of  influence  I  possess  to  maintain  the  Constitution  and 
the  Union  and  speedily  suppress  the  Rebellion.  We  must 
not  allow  ourselves  to  be  driven  from  correct  principles  by 
any  amount  of  misrepresentation,  or  even  persecution. 

' '  I  would  sa}-,  let  us  firmly  stand  together  under  the  old 
flag  and  in  the  old  organization,  fighting  secessionism  to  the 
bitter  end,  assailing  the  administration  wherever  we  conscien 
tiously  believe  it  to  be  in  error,  but  upholding  the  Constitution 
and  laws,  and  never  losing  sight  of  that  great  historical  fact, 
which  cannot  be  overcome  by  misrepresentation  or  abuse  ;  and 
that  is,  that  under  the  rule  of  the  Democracy  the  country 
grew  to  be  one  of  the  greatest  nations  of  the  earth,  and  as 
long  as  they  held  power  the  people  of  all  the  States  were 
prosperous  and  happy." 


WILLIAM   H.    ENGLISH.  359 

In  1864  he  was  a  delegate  to  the  Congressional 
Convention  that  nominated  Michael  C.  Kerr  to  Con 
gress.  He  also  advocated  McClellan's  claims  to  the 
Presidency,  and  it  was  he  who  introduced  a  resolution 
declaring,  "that  we  are  now,  as  we  ever  have  been, 
unqualifiedly  in  favor  of  the  union  of  the  States,  under 
the  Constitution ;  and  stand  ready,  as  we  have  ever 
stood  heretofore,  to  do  everything  that  loyal  and  true 
citizens  should  do  to  maintain  that  union  under  the 
Constitution,  and  to  hand  it  down  to  our  children  unim 
paired  as  we  received  it  from  our  fathers." 

The  business  in  which  Mr.  English  was  engaged 
continued  to  increase  until  it  absorbed  all  his  time,  and 
he  could  give  but  little  attention  to  political  matters ; 
but  he  was  a  firm  friend  and  supporter  of  Governor 
Tilden,  and  presided  at  the  meeting  held  at  Indianap 
olis,  ratifying  the  nomination  of  Tilden  and  Hendricks. 
Then  he  said :  — 

"It  is  known  to  you,  fellow-citizens,  that  I  have  not  of 
late  years  been  an  active  participant  in  political  affairs.  Pre 
ferring  the  quiet  pursuits  of  private  life  and  intending  not  to 
be  drawn  into  the  turmoils  of  active  politics,  I  nevertheless 
am  not  an  indifferent  spectator  in  this  contest,  and  certainly 
do  not  forget  the  past.  I  do  not  forget  that  I  was  born  a 
Democrat ;  was  long  an  earnest,  hard-working  member  of  the 
party,  always  a  firm  believer  in  its  great  cardinal  principles, 
and  frequently  a  recipient  of  its  favor  at  a  time  when  such 
favors  were  to  me  of  inestimable  value.  With  such  antece 
dents  and  a  heart  which  I  know  is  not  incapable  of  gratitude, 
I  could  not  be  indifferent  to  the  fate  of  this  grand  old  party, 
and,  although  in  bad  health  and  shrinking  from  appearing  as 
a  participant  in  a  public  political  meeting,  I  could  not  forego 


360  LIFE    AND   PUBLIC    CAREER    OF 

the  pressing  call  that  was  made  upon  me  to  preside  upon  this 
occasion  ;  because  I  sincerely  believe  that  the  time  has  arrived 
when  the  welfare  of  the  people  demands  thorough  reform  in 
the  affairs  of  the  general  government,  and  that  such  reform 
can  now  only  be  certainly  and  effectively  secured  by  the 
election  of  Tilclen  and  Hendricks.  But  I  do  not  wish  it 
understood  that  I  am  here  to-night  in  a  mere  partisan  capac 
ity,  claiming  that  everything  called  Democratic  must  neces 
sarily  be  good,  and  everything  called  Republican  necessarily 
bad.  On  the  contrary,  I  congratulate  the  Republican  party 
upon  having  nominated  good  men  for  candidates  at  Cincin 
nati,  and  placing  them  upon  a  creditable  platform,  but  I 
congratulate  the  Democratic  party  still  more  upon  having 
nominated  better  men  upon  a  better  platform." 

The  Indiana  Democracy  felt,  at  the  time  of  the  St. 
Louis  platform,  considerable  dissatisfaction  because  Mr. 
Hendricks  had  not  been  nominated  for  President,  and 
because  of  the  financial  views  of  the  platform.  Mr. 
English's  speech  had  a  good  effect,  for  he  adroitly  said  : 

' '  It  was  natural  that  in  the  excitement  of  the  moment 
some  Indiana  Democrats  should  have  felt  dissatisfied;  but 
most  of  those  have  become  reconciled,  and  not  only  support 
the  ticket  now,  but  stand  squarely  upon  the  platform.  The 
few  who  have  not  yet  got  on  the  platform  will  hurry  to  get 
on  board  before  the  lightning-express  train  of  the  Democracy 
is  fairly  under  way,  because  they  know  that  train  is  bound  to 
come  in  ahead,  and  that  it  is  dangerous  to  get  on  the  platform 
when  the  cars  are  in  motion.  Never  fear  but  all  the  boys 
will  get  on  board  in  due  season,  for  they  are  not  going  to  be 
left  behind  in  this  grand  Democratic  march  to  victory. 

"Even  the  camp-followers,  the  dodgers  and  the  trimmers, 
who  hang  on  the  outskirts  of  the  party,  distracting  its 


WILLIAM    H.    ENGLISH.  361 

counsels  and  marring  its  harmony  by  disparaging  the  plat 
form  for  the  sake  of  a  little  local  popularity,  will  be  clamoring 
to  get  upon  it,  as  it  becomes  more  and  more  evident  it  is 
going  to  be  adopted  by  the  people." 

The  financial  trouble  he  managed  with  like  sagacity  : 

"  I  contend  there  is  nothing  in  the  St.  Louis  platform  upon 
the  subject  of  the  finances  about  which  Democrats  should 
differ.  It  favors  the  repeal  of  that  clause  of  the  act  of  Con 
gress  which  fixes  a  certain  day  for  the  resumption  of  specie 
payments.  It  repudiates  a  changeable  standard  of  values, 
and  advocates  that  standard  which  is  recognized  in  our  own 
Constitution  as  well  as  by  the  whole  civilized  world.  It 
proposes  to  secure  to  our  own  people  real  dollars  that  shall 
have  as  much  purchasing  power  as  the  dollars  of  other 
nations.  It  secures  to  the  farmer,  the  mechanic,  and  the 
laborer  a  dollar  that  will  have  as  great  a  purchasing  power 
as  the  dollar  of  the  bondholder.  It  secures  to  the  manu 
facturer  and  the  man  of  business  that  reasonable  degree  of 
certainty  as  to  the  financial  future  which  will  enable  him  to 
make  investments  and  engage  in  business  with  some  intel 
ligence  and  feeling  of  security,  which  he  never  can  have  with  a 
changeable  standard  of  values.  It  short,  it  but  reaffirms  the 
old  and  time-honored  doctrine  of  the  Democratic  party  in 
favor  of  a  currency  of  specie  and  paper  convertible  into 
specie  on  demand.  It  is  true  the  platform  places  the  Demo 
cratic  party  fairly  and  squarely  upon  the  road  to  specie 
payments  ;  but  it  does  not  propose  to  accomplish  it  by  such 
hasty  and  inconsiderate  legislation  as  will  be  unnecessarily 
oppressive  to  creditors  or  injurious  to  business." 

Mr.  English  lives  in  Indianapolis,  in  a  fine  residence, 
which  fronts  a  beautiful  circular  park,  known  as  the 


362  LIFE    AND   PUBLIC    CAREER   OF 

"Governor's  Circle,"  so  called  because  originally  de 
signed  as  the  site  for  the  residence  of  the  governor  of 
the  State. 

He  was  married  to  Miss  Emma  Mardulia  Jackson 
of  Virginia,  on  Nov.  17,  1847,  in  the  city  of  Balti 
more,  Md.  His  wife  died  Nov.  14,  1876.  Two 
children  were  the  issue  of  this  marriage,  a  son  and 
daughter.  The  son  is  the  Hon.  W.  E.  English,  a 
young  man  of  fine  promise,  now  a  member  of  the 
Indiana  House  of  Representatives,  being  the  third  of 
the  family  in  lineal  descent  who  has  occupied  that 
position  —  father,  son,  and  grandson.  The  daughter, 
Rosalind,  is  the  wife  of  Dr.  Willoughby  Walling, 
an  eminent  physician  of  Louisville,  Ky.,  and  is  the 
mother  of  two  fine  boy-babies,  William  English  Wall 
ing  and  Willoughby  George  Walling. 

This  history  of  a  successful  and  active  life  comprises 
the  time  up  to  the  year  1877,  when  Mr.  English, 
crowned  with  success  in  every  undertaking,  with  a 
political  and  business  record  without  a  blemish,  and  at 
the  very  meridian  of  his  powers,  sought  the  retirement 
of  private-  life.  But  in  this  retirement  Mr.  English 
was  not  unmindful  of  his  country,  nor  neglectful  of 
the  interests  of  the  Democratic  party,  whose  principles 
he  had  espoused  in  his  youth,  and  whose  standard- 
bearer  he  had  been  in  many  a  hotly-contested  fight. 
Always  a  close  observer  of  passing  events,  he  con 
tinued  to  manifest  his  deep  solicitude  for  the  success 
of  the  Democratic  party,  and  with  his  ripe  experience 
was  ever  ready  to  aid  it  by  his  counsel, 


WILLIAM  H.    ENGLISH.  363 


CHAPTER    IV. 

The  Democratic  National  Convention  of  1880. —  The  Nomaintion  of 
Hancock  for  President  is  followed  by  that  of  English  for  Vice- 
President. —  He  is  Named  by  General  Petus  of  Alabama. —  Unan 
imously  Nominated.— •  Mr.  English's  Speech  of  Acceptance. 

ON  the  24th  of  June,  the  National  Democratic  Con 
vention,  in  the  third  day  of  its  session  at  Cincinnati, 
had  nominated  Gen.  Winfield  Scott  Hancock  for  Presi 
dent,  and  the  choice  came  upon  the  proper  name  to 
complete  the  ticket  in  such  a  way  as  to  render  even 
more  certain  the  victory  which  the  first  name  upon  it 
assured.  In  this  contingency  there  seemed  to  be  but 
one  opinion  as  to  the  proper  candidate  to  add  strength 
and  honor  to  the  nomination.  The  first  State  called 
upon  the  roll  named  William  H.  English  of  Indiana. 
This  was  Alabama.  General  Petus  of  that  State 
mounted  the  platform,  and  spoke  as  follows  : — 

Mr.  President:  By  the  unanimous  instructions  of  the 
delegates  from  Alabama,  and  by  permission  of  the  delegates 
from  the  State  of  Indiana,  Alabama  nominates  William  H. 
English  of  Indiana.  We  have  had  a  glorious  day  to-day. 
The  Federal  army  and  the  Confederate  army  have  met  on 
Mason  and  Dixon's  line  as  one  army. 

Now  there  is  another  principle  that  ought  not  to  be  for 
gotten.  You  have  had  assurance  from  New  York  of  the 
union  of  the  Democracy  there.  We  have  heard  from  Con 
necticut.  We  have  heard  from  New  Hampshire.  Now, 
gentlemen,  aided  by  these  fair  women  from  the  North,  from 


364  LITE    AND    PUBLIC    CAREER    OF 

the  East,  from  the  West,  and  from  the  South,  you  have  sung 
together  here  that  grand  old  question  : — 

"  Shall  auld  acquaintance  be  forgot, 

And  never  brought  to  mind  ? 
Shall  friends  all  true  be  remembered  not 
In  the  days  of  auld  lang  syne  ?  " 

Where  have  we  looked  for  true  friends  ?  Where  have  we 
had  true  friends  ?  Where  do  we  expect  true  friends  ?  From 
the  glorious  State  of  Indiana. 

The  vote  was  unanimous  for  Mr.  English  as  the 
roll  was  called ;  and  when  it  came  the  turn  of  Indiana, 
Senator  Voorhees  arose  and  said  :  — 

Mr.  President,  a  single  word.  Indiana  has  not  been  an 
applicant  for  the  second  place  upon  this  ticket,  but  is  deeply 
grateful,  penetrated  by  a  sense  of  gratitude  for  the  spon 
taneous  expression  of  confidence  in  one  of  her  ablest  and 
most  distinguished  citizens,  Mr.  English.  I  would  say  to 
the  Convention  that  Indiana  has  not  had  her  place  upon  the 
Presidential  ticket ;  but  if  Mr.  English  is  placed  upon  that 
ticket,  there  will  be  placed  there  a  native  of  that  State  of 
commanding  capacity  for  affairs  both  public  and  private, 
and  a  man  who  was  never  defeated  when  his  name  was 
presented  before  the  people  for  any  position  ;  nor  will  he  be 
defeated  now.  I  thank  the  States  for  their  offer  of  this  high 
position  to  him,  and  on  the  part  of  the  delegation  from 
Indiana,  I  ask  to  cast  the  vote  of  that  State  for  Mr.  English, 
her  distinguished  son. 

The  Iowa  delegation  announced  its  choice  as  that  of 
Hon.  R.  M.  Bishop ;  but  with  that  exception,  the  only 
interruption  to  the  continuous  balloting  was  the  eulo- 


WILLIAM   II.    ENGLISH.  365 

gies  of  Mr.  English  which  followed  with  increasing 
fervor.  When  the  end  of  the  list  was  reached  and 
Wisconsin  was  called,  Mr.  W.  F.  Vilas  responded, 
taking  the  platform  :  — 

Mr.  President  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention:  I  am 
deputed  by  the  last  State  upon  the  list,  but  by  no  means 
the  last  in  the  devotion  of  her  Democrats  to  the  principles 
of  the  party,  to  express  the  great  delight  with  which  Wis- 
2onsin  seconds  the  nomination  of  William  H.  English  of 
Indiana.  In  the  union  of  the  great  soldier-statesman  of 
the  Democratic  party  with  the  great  statesman  whose  name 
is  presented  now  for  the  second  place  on  the  ticket,  we  see 
the  bond  of  harmony  exemplified,  and  to  illustrate  which 
has  been  expressed  as  coming  from  the  State  of  New  York 
the  banishment  of  all  discord,  and  the  suppression  of  all 
division  —  a  radiant  bow  of  promise  for  this  happy  land, 
stretching  from  Maine  to  Texas,  from  the  North  to  the 
South.  And  when,  in  the  coming  election  of  November, 
the  ballots  of  this  free  people  shall  at  last  place  in  office  its 
men  who  shall  restore  peace  and  happiness  to  this  hitherto 
distracted  country,  then  the  summer  day  of  our  prosperity 
will  rise  to  its  zenith,  and  like  a  reaper  gathering  his  bounti 
ful  harvest,  the  American  people  will  proceed  in  their  career 
of  happiness,  freedom,  and  liberty.  Then,  again,  as  at  the 
beginning  of  the  great  Republic  and  the  beginning  of  the 
world,  the  sons  of  God  will  shout  together  for  joy.  Mr. 
President,  the  order  of  the  Convention  is  now  concluded. 
Might  I  not,  in  order,  in  taking  advantage  of  this  opportu 
nity  to  relieve  the  Convention  from  further  labor,  move  that 
the  nomination  of  William  H.  English  be  made  unanimous 
by  acclamation? 

It  was  so  made  unanimous,  amid  applause  and  con 
gratulations. 


366  LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    CAREER   OF 

The  committee  appointed  to  communicate  to  the 
candidates  their  official  nomination  met  Mr.  English 
at  Governor's  Island,  New  York,  on  the  13th  of  July, 
where  he  was  the  guest  of  General  Hancock.  After 
the  nomination  had  been  tendered  the  candidate  for 
President,  and  had  been  accepted  by  him,  the  secre 
tary  of  the  committee  read  to  Mr.  English  the  fol 
lowing  communication,  which  was  signed  by  all  the 
committee-men :  — 

HON.  WILLIAM  H.  ENGLISH  : 

SIR,  —  By  direction  of  the  National  Democratic  Conven 
tion,  which  assembled  at  Cincinnati  on  June  22  last,  it 
becomes  our  pleasing  duty  to  notify  you  that  you  have  been 
unanimously  nominated  by  that  body  to  the  office  of  Vice- 
President  of  the  United  States.  Your  large  experience  in 
affairs  of  government,  your  able  discharge  of  many  trusts 
committed  to  your  hands,  your  steadfast  devotion  to  Demo 
cratic  principles,  and  the  uprightness  of  your  private  char 
acter,  gave  assurances  to  the  Democracy  that  you  were 
worthy  and  well  qualified  to  perform  the  duties  of  that  high 
position,  and  commended  you  to  them  for  the  nomination 
which  they  conferred.  While  your  personal  qualities  and 
your  public  services  well  merited  this  honor,  the  action  of 
the  Convention  was  no  doubt  designed  not  only  to  indicate 
their  appreciation  of  yourself,  but  as  well  to  testify  their 
profound  respect  for  the  Democracy  of  Indiana,  your  native 
State,  with  whose  struggles  you  have  been  so  long  identified, 
and  whose  glorious  achievements  }x>u  have  shared.  The 
Convention  set  forth  its  views,  which  are  now  before  the 
people,  in  a  series  of  resolutions,  a  cop3r  of  which  we  have 
the  honor  to  present  to  you,  and  to  which  your  attention  is 
respectfully  requested.  It  is  our  earnest  hope  that  their 


WILLIAM    II.    ENGLISH.  367 

views  may  meet  with  your  approbation,  and  that  you  will 
accept  the  nomination  which  is  now  tendered. 

In  reply  to  this  communication,  Mr.  English  said  :  — 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Committee:  As  a 
practical  man  of  business,  not  much  accustomed  to  indirect 
ways  or  circumlocution  of  speeches,  I  will  say  plainly,  and 
in  a  very  few  words,  that  I  accept  the  high  trust  you  have 
tendered  me,  and  will  at  an  early  day  make  a  more  formal 
acceptance  in  writing,  in  conformity  with  the  usual  custom  in 
such  cases.  In  doing  this  I  fully  realize  the  great  responsi 
bility  of  this  position,  the  great  turmoil  and  anxiety,  the 
misrepresentation  and  abuse  which  are  certain  to  follow.  I 
understand  that  the  resources  and  power  of  our  political  foes 
of  the  whole  country  are  to  be  centred  upon  us  in  Indiana, 
my  native  State,  in  one  of  the  earliest  and  probably  the 
greatest  battles  of  the  campaign.  It  is  an  occasion  calling 
for  the  performance  of  high  patriotic  duty,  not  to  be  declined 
for  personal  considerations,  and  I  shall  not  disregard  the 
unanimous  voice  of  the  representatives  of  the  majority  of 
the  American  people,  which  3rou  represent  here  to-day.  I 
need  hardly  say  that  I  am  deeply  impressed  with  the  action 
of  the  Convention,  and  profoundly  gratified  for  the  high 
honor  conferred  upon  me ;  and  I  cannot  doubt  that  under 
the  favor  of  God  and  the  people,  the  great  cause  we  all  have 
at  heart  will  be  successful.  I  thank  you,  gentlemen,  for  the 
very  kind  and  considerate  manner  in  which  }^ou  have  dis 
charged  your  duties  toward  me  on  this  occasion. 

This  concluded  the  formal  action,  which  has  made 
lion.  William  II.  English  the  candidate  of  the  consti 
tutional  party  for  the  second  highest  office  in  the  gift 
of  the  people. 


368  APPENDIX. 


APPENDIX. 


LETTER  OF  GEN.  HANCOCK 

ACCEPTING    THE     DEMOCRATIC     NOMINATION     FOR    PRESIDENT. 


GOVERNOR'S  ISLAND,     ; 
NEW  YORK  CITY,  July  29,  1880.  $ 

GENTLEMEN  : —  I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  receipt 
of  your  letter  of  July  13,  1880,  apprising  me  formally  of  my 
nomination  to  the  office  of  President  of  the  United  States  by 
the  National  Democratic  Convention,  lately  assembled  in 
Cincinnati.  I  accept  the  nomination  with  grateful  apprecia 
tion  of  the  confidence  reposed  in  me.  The  principles  enun 
ciated  by  the  Convention  are  those  I  have  cherished  in  the 
past,  and  shall  endeavor  to  maintain  in  the  future.  The 
thirteenth,  fourteenth,  and  fifteenth  amendments  to  the  Con 
stitution  of  the  United  States,  embodying  the  results  of  the 
war  for  the  Union,  are  inviolable.  If  called  to  the  Presidency, 
I  should  deem  it  my  duty  to  resist,  with  all  of  my  power,  any 
attempt  to  impair  or  impede  the  full  force  and  effect  of  the 
Constitution,  which  in  every  article,  section,  and  amendment, 
is  the  supreme  law  of  the  land.  The  Constitution  forms  the 
basis  of  the  government  of  the  United  States.  The  powers 
granted  by  it  to  the  legislative,  executive,  and  judicial  depart 
ments,  define  and  limit  the  authority  of  the  general  govern 
ment.  Powers  not  delegated  to  the  United  States  by  the 
Constitution,  nor  prohibited  by  it  to  the  States,  belong  to  the 
States  respectively,  or  to  the  people.  The  General  and  State 
governments,  each  acting  in  its  own  sphere  without  trenching 
upon  the  lawful  jurisdiction  of  the  other,  constitute  the  Union. 
This  Union,  comprising  a  general  government  with  general 


APPENDIX.  369 

powers,  and  State  governments  with  State  powers  for  pur 
poses  local  to  the  States,  is  a  polity,  the  foundations  of  which 
were  laid  in  the  profoundest  wisdom.  This  is  the  Union  our 
fathers  made,  and  which  has  been  so  respected  abroad  and 
so  beneficent  at  home.  Tried  by  blood  and  fire,  it  stands 
to-day  a  model  form  of  free  popular  government ;  a  political 
system  which,  rightly  administered,  has  been,  and  will  con 
tinue  to  be,  the  admiration  of  the  world.  May  we  not  say, 
nearly  in  the  words  of  Washington  :  ' i  The  unity  of  govern 
ment,  which  constitutes  us  one  people,  is  justly  dear  to  us  ; 
it  is  the  main  pillar  in  the  edifice  of  our  real  independence, 
the  support  of  our  peace,  safety,  and  prosperity,  and  of  that 
libert}7  we  so  highly  prize,  and  intend  at  every  hazard  to  pre 
serve  "  ? 

But  no  form  of  government,  however  carefully  devised,  no 
principles,  however  sound,  will  protect  the  rights  of  the 
people  unless  the  administration  is  faithful  and  efficient.  It 
is  a  vital  principle  in  our  s}'stem  that  neither  fraud  nor 
force  must  be  allowed  to  subvert  the  rights  of  the  people. 
When  fraud,  violence,  or  incompetence  controls,  the  noblest 
constitutions  and  wisest  laws  are  useless.  The  bayonet  is  not 
a  fit  instrument  for  collecting  the  votes  of  freemen.  It  is  only 
by  a  full  vote,  free  ballot,  and  fair  count,  that  the  people  can 
rule  in  fact,  as  required  by  the  theory  of  our  government. 
Take  this  foundation  away  and  the  whole  structure  falls. 

Public  office  is  a  trust,  not  a  bounty  bestowed  upon  the 
holder.  No  incompetent  or  dishonest  persons  should  ever  be 
entrusted  with  it,  or,  if  appointed,  they  should  be  promptly 
ejected.  The  basis  of  a  substantial,  practical  civil-sendee 
reform  must  first  be  established  by  the  people  in  filling  the 
elective  offices.  If  they  fix  a  high  standard  of  qualifications 
for  office,  and  sternly  reject  the  corrupt  and  incompetent,  the 
result  will  be  decisive  in  governing  the  action  of  the  servants 
whom  they  entrust  with  the  appointing  power. 


370  APPENDIX. 

The  war  for  the  Union  was  successfully  closed  more  than 
fifteen  years  ago.  All  classes  of  our  people  must  share  alike 
in  the  blessings  of  the  Union,  and  are  equally  concerned  in 
its  perpetuity  and  in  the  proper  administration  of  public 
affairs.  We  are"  in  a  state  of  profound  peace.  Henceforth 
let  it  be  our  purpose  to  cultivate  sentiments  of  friendship,  and 
not  of  animosity,  among  our  fellow-citizens.  Our  material 
interests,  varied  and  progressive,  demand  our  constant  and 
united  efforts.  A  sedulous  and  scrupulous  care  of  the  public 
credit,  together  with  a  wise  and  economical  management  of  our 
governmental  expenditures,  should  be  maintained,  in  order  that 
labor  may  be  lightly  burdened  and  that  all  persons  may  be 
protected  in  their  rights  to  the  fruits  of  their  own  industry. 
The  time  has  come  to  enjoy  the  substantial  benefits  of  recon 
ciliation.  As  one  people  we  have  common  interests.  Let  us 
encourage  the  harmon}*  and  generous  rivalry  among  our  own 
industries  which  will  revive  our  languishing  merchant  marine, 
extend  our  commerce  with  foreign  nations,  assist  our  mer 
chants,  manufacturers,  and  producers  to  develop  our  vast 
natural  resources,  and  increase  the  prosperity  and  happiness 
of  our  people. 

If  elected,  I  shall,  with  the  Divine  favor,  labor  with  what 
ability  I  possess  to  discharge  my  duties  with  fidelit}T,  accord 
ing  to  my  convictions,  and  shall  take  care  to  protect  and 
defend  the  Union,  and  to  see  that  the  laws  be  faithfully  and 
equally  executed  in  all  parts  of  the  country  alike.  I  will 
assume  the  responsibility,  fully  sensible  of  the  fact  that  to 
administer  rightly  the  functions  of  government  is  to  discharge 
the  most  sacred  duty  that  can  devolve  upon  an  American 
citizen. 

I  am,  respectful!}7  yours, 

WINFIELD  S.  HANCOCK. 

To  the  Hon.  JOHN  W.  STEVENSON,  President  of  the  Convention;  Hon.  JOHN 
P.  STOCKTON,  Chairman;  and  others  of  the  Committee  of  the  National 
Democratic  Convention. 


APPENDIX.  371 

LETTER  OF  HON.  WILLIAM  H.  ENGLISH 

ACCEPTING    THE    NOMINATION    FOR   VICE-PRESIDENT. 


INDIAXAPOLIS,  INC.,  July  30, 1880. 

GENTLEMEN  : — I  have  now  the  honor  to  reply  to  your  letter  of 
the  13th  inst.,  informing  me  that  I  was  unanimously  nominated 
for  the  office  of  Vice-President  of  the  United  States  by  the  late 
Democratic  National  Convention  which  assembled  at  Cincin 
nati.  As  foreshadowed  in  the  verbal  remarks  made  by  me  at 
the  time  of  the  delivery  of  your  letter,  I  have  now  to  say  that  I 
accept  the  high  trust,  with  a  realizing  sense  of  its  responsi 
bility,  and  am  profoundly  grateful  for  the  honor  conferred. 
I  accept  the  nomination  upon  the  platform  of  principles 
adopted  by  the  Convention,  which  I  cordially  approve  ;  and 
I  accept  it  as  much  because  of  my  faith  in  the  wisdom 
and  patriotism  of  the  great  statesman  and  soldier  nominated 
on  the  same  ticket  for  President  of  the  United  States.  His 
eminent  services  to  his  country  ;  his  fidelity  to  the  Constitu 
tion,  the  Union  and  the  laws ;  his  clear  perception  of  the 
correct  principles  of  government  as  taught  by  Jefferson  ;  his 
scrupulous  care  to  keep  the  military  in  strict  subordination  to 
the  civil  authorities  ;  his  high  regard  for  civil  liberty,  personal 
rights,  and  the  rights  of  property ;  his  acknowledged  ability 
in  civil  as  well  as  military  affairs ;  and  his  pure  and  blameless 
life,  all  point  to  him  as  a  man  worthy  of  the  confidence  of 
the  people ;  not  only  a  brave  soldier,  a  great  commander, 
a  statesman  and  a  pure  patriot,  but  a  prudent,  painstaking, 
practical  man,  of  unquestioned  honesty ;  trusted  often  with 
important  public  duties,  faithful  to  every  trust,  and  in  the 
full  meridian  of  ripe  and  vigorous  manhood,  he  is,  in  my 


372  APPENDIX. 

judgment,  eminently  fitted  for  the  highest  office  on  earth, — the 
Presidency  of  the  United  States.  Not  only  is  he  the  right  man 
for  the  place,  but  the  time  has  come  when  the  best  interests 
of  the  country  require  that  the  party  which  has  monopolized 
the  executive  department  for  the  last  twenty  years  should  be 
retired.  The  continuance  of  that  part}r  in  power  four  years 
longer  would  not  be  beneficial  to  the  public  or  in  accordance 
with  the  spirit  of  our  republican  institutions.  Laws  of 
entail  have  not  been  favored  by  our  system  of  government. 
The  perpetuation  of  property  or  place  in  one  family  or  set  of 
men  has  never  been  encouraged  in  this  country,  and  the  great 
and  good  men  who  formed  our  republican  government  and  its 
traditions  wisely  limited  the  terms  of  office  and  in  many  wa}rs 
showed  their  disapproval  of  long  leases  of  power.  Twenty 
years  of  continuous  power  is  long  enough,  and  has  already 
led  to  irregularities  and  corruptions  which  are  not  likely  to  be 
properly  exposed  under  the  same  party  that  perpetrated  them  ; 
besides,  it  should  not  be  forgotten  that  the  four  last  years  of 
power  held  by  that  party  were  procured  by  discreditable 
means,  and  held  in  defiance  of  the  wishes  of  a  majority  of  the 
people.  It  was  a  grievous  wrong  to  every  voter  and  to  our 
system  of  self-government,  which  should  not  be  forgotten  or 
forgiven.  Many  of  the  men  now  in  office  were  put  in  because 
of  corrupt  partisan  services  in  thus  defeating  the  fairly  and 
legally  expressed  will  of  the  majority,  and  the  hypocrisy  of 
the  professions  of  that  party  in  favor  of  civil-service  reform 
was  shown  in  placing  such  men  in  office  and  turning  the  whole 
brood  of  federal  office-holders  loose  to  influence  the  elections. 
The  money  of  the  people,  taken  out  of  the  public  treasury 
by  these  men  for  services  often  poorly  performed,  or  not  per 
formed  at  all,  is  being  used  in  vast  sums,  with  the  knowledge 
and  presumed  sanction  of  the  administration,  to  control 
elections  ;  and  even  the  members  of  the  Cabinet  are  strolling 
about  the  country  making  partisan  speeches  instead  of 


APPENDIX.  373 

being  in  their  departments  at  Washington  discharging  the 
public  duties  for  which  they  are  paid  by  the  people. 
But  with  all  their  cleverness  and  ability,  a  discriminating 
public  will,  no  doubt,  read  between  the  lines  of  their  speeches 
that  their  paramount  hope  and  aim  is,  to  keep  themselves  and 
their  satellites  four  years  longer  in  office.  That  perpetuating 
the  power  of  chronic  federal  office-holders  four  years  longer 
will  not  benefit  the  men  and  women  who  hold  no  office,  but 
earn  their  daily  bread  by  honesty  and  industry,  is  what  the 
same  discerning  public  will,  no  doubt,  fully  understand ;  as 
they  will  also,  that  it  is  because  of  their  own  industry  and 
economy  and  God's  bountiful  harvests  that  the  country  is 
comparatively  prosperous,  and  not  because  of  anything  done 
by  these  federal  office-holders.  The  country  is  comparatively 
prosperous,  not  because  of  them,  but  in  spite  of  them.  This 
contest  is,  in  fact,  between  the  people  endeavoring  to  regain  the 
political  power  which  rightfully  belongs  to  them,  and  to  restore 
the  pure,  simple,  economical,  constitutional  government  of  our 
fathers  on  the  one  side,  and  a  hundred  thousand  federal 
office-holders  and  their  backers,  pampered  with  place  and 
power,  and  determined  to  retain  them  at  all  hazards,  on  the 
other.  Hence  the  constant  assumption  of  new  and  danger 
ous  powers  by  the  general  government,  under  the  rule  of  the 
Republican  party.  The  effort  to  build  up  what  they  call  a 
strong  government,  the  interference  with  home  rule  and 
with  the  administration  of  justice  in  the  courts  of  the  sev 
eral  States,  the  interference  with  the  elections  through  the 
medium  of  paid  partisan  federal  office-holders,  interested  in 
keeping  their  party  in  power,  and  caring  more  for  that  than 
fairness  in  the  elections  ;  in  fact,  the  constant  encroachments 
which  have  been  made  by  that  party  upon  the  clearly 
reserved  rights  of  the  people  and  the  States,  will,  if  not 
checked,  subvert  the  liberties  of  the  people  and  the  govern 
ment  of  limited  powers  created  by  the  fathers,  and  end  in  a 


374  APPENDIX. 

great  consolidated  central  government,  strong  indeed  for 
evil,  and  the  overthrow  of  republican  institutions.  The  wise 
men  who  formed  our  Constitution  knew  the  evils  of  a  strong 
government,  and  the  long  continuance  of  political  power 
in  the  same  hands.  They  knew  there  was  a  tendency  in  this 
direction  in  all  governments,  and  consequent  danger  to  repub 
lican  institutions  from  that  cause,  and  took  pains  to  guard 
against  it.  The  machinery  of  a  strong  centralized  general 
government  can  be  used  to  perpetuate  the  same  set  of  men  in 
power  from  term  to  term,  until  it  ceases  to  be  a  republic,  or 
is  such  only  in  name  ;  and  the  tendency  of  the  party  now  in 
power  in  that  direction,  as  shown  in  various  ways  besides  the 
willingness  of  a  large  number  of  that  party  to  elect  a  Presi 
dent  an  unlimited  number  of  terms,  is  quite  apparent,  and 
must  satisfy  thinking  people  that  the  time  has  come  when  it 
will  be  safest  and  best  for  that  party  to  be  retired. 

But  in  resisting  the  encroachments  of  the  general  govern 
ment  upon  the  reserved  rights  of  the  people  and  the  States,  I 
wish  to  be  distinctly  understood  as  favoring  the  proper  exer 
cise  by  the  general  government  of  the  powers  rightfully 
belonging  to  it  under  the  Constitution.  Encroachments 
upon  the  constitutional  rights  of  the  general  government,  or 
interference  with  the  proper  exercise  of  its  powers,  must 
be  carefully  avoided.  The  union  of  States  under  the  Consti 
tution  must  be  maintained  ;  and  it  is  well  known  that  this  has 
always  been  the  position  of  both  the  candidates  on  the  Demo 
cratic  Presidential  ticket.  It  is  acquiesced  in  everywhere  now, 
and  finally  and  forever  settled  as  one  of  the  results  of  the  war. 
It  is  certain,  beyond  all  question,  that  the  legitimate  results 
of  the  war  for  the  Union  will  not  be  overthrown  or  impaired 
should  the  Democratic  ticket  be  elected.  In  that  event,  prop 
er  protection  will  be  given  in  every  legitimate  way  to  every 
citizen,  native  or  adopted,  in  every  section  of  the  republic,  in 
the  enjoyment  of  all  the  rights  guaranteed  by  the  Constitu 
tion  and  its  amendments. 


APPENDIX.  375 

A  sound  currency  of  honest  money,  of  a  value  and  pur 
chasing  power  corresponding  substantially  with  the  standard 
recognized  by  the  commercial  world,  and  consisting  of  gold 
and  silver  and  paper  convertible  into  coin,  will  be  main 
tained.  The  labor  and  manufacturing,  commercial  and  busi 
ness  interests  of  the  country  will  be  favored  and  encour 
aged  in  every  legitimate  way.  The  toiling  millions  of  our 
people  will  be  protected  from  the  destructive  competition  of 
the  Chinese  ;  and  to  that  end  their  immigration  to  our  shores 
will  be  properly  restricted.  The  public  credit  will  be  scrupu 
lously  maintained  and  strengthened  by  rigid  economy  in 
public  expenditures  ;  and  the  liberties  of  the  people  and  the 
property  of  the  people  will  be  protected  by  a  government  of 
law  and  order,  administered  strictly  in  the  interests  of  all  the 
people,  and  not  of  corporations  and  privileged  classes. 

I  do  not  doubt  the  discriminating  justice  of  the  people  and 
their  capacity  for  intelligent  self-government,  and  therefore 
do  not  doubt  the  success  of  the  Democratic  ticket.  Its  suc 
cess  would  bury  beyond  resurrection  the  sectional  jealousies 
and  hatreds  which  have  so  long  been  the  chief  stock  in  trade 
of  pestiferous  demagogues  ;  and  in  no  other  way  can  this  be 
so  effectually  accomplished.  It  would  restore  harmony  and 
good  feeling  between  all  the  sections,  and  make  us  in  fact,  as 
well  as  in  name,  one  people.  The  only  rivalry  then  would 
be  in  the  race  for  the  development  of  material  prosperity, 
the  elevation  of  labor,  the  enlargement  of  human  rights,  the 
promotion  of  education,  morality,  religion,  liberty,  order,  and 
all  that  would  tend  to  make  us  the  foremost  nation  of  the 
earth  in  the  grand  march  of  human  progress. 
I  am,  with  great  respect, 

Very  truly  yours, 

WILLIAM  H.  ENGLISH. 

To  the  Hon.  JOHN  W.  STEVENSON,  President  of  the  Convention ;  the  Hon. 
JOHN  P.  STOCKTON,  Chairman;  and  other  members  of  the  Committee  of 
Notification. 


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